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FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 





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For President \ - For Vice-President 

John G. Woolley. Henry B. Metcalf, 



BY 



W. F. MTJLVIHILL. 



| PRICE, 25 CENTS. 



J 



.E PROHIBITION 
/ TEXT BOOK 

FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 



- Jntaining Up-To-Date Information Regarding the so 
Called "Liquor Problem." 



BY 



W. FRANK MULYIHILL, 

ft ' 

NEWS EDITOR OF THE NEW VOICE. 



CHICAGO: 

DICKIE & W00LLEY 

1900. 






Copyright 1900. 
DICKIE & WOOLL.EY. 




- 



PREFACE. 



In preparing this little book the prevailing idea has 
been to touch only upon such matters as are almost 
certain to come up for consideration during the cur- 
rent presidential campaign. Most of the matter 
herein contained has appeared, in some form, in The 
New Voice. It is hoped that the bringing together 
in compact form of these various articles and argu- 
ments will be appreciated by the Prohibitionists of the 
country and will in some measure serve the cause of 
"The Great Reform." 

THE AUTHOR. 



Comparative Drink Bill, 1879-1899, 





1879,...$ 482,064,339. 


1880....$ 568,441,257. 


1881....$ 608,070,693. 


1882 ...$ 666,765,428. 


1883....$ 708,089,263. 


1884....$ 717,818,945. 


1885....$ 678,374,931. 


1886....$ 717,069,816. 


1887... $ 762,599,015. 


1888....$ 818,087,725. 


1889....$ 840,880,849. 




1890....$ 902,645,867. 


1891....$ 979,582,803. 


1892.... $1,014,894,364. 


1893.... $1,079,483,172. 


1894.... $1,024,621,491. 


1895....$ 962,192,854. 




1896....$ 947,413,155. 


1897....$ 995,155,298. 


1898.... $1,041,143,083. 




1899.... $1,069,249,832. 



The Prohibition Text Book 



I.-NATIONAL PROHIBITION PLATFORM, 1900. 



Preamble. . • 

The National Prohibition Party, in convention rep- 
resented, .at Chicago, June 27 and 28, 1900, acknowl- 
edging Almighty God as the supreme source of all 
just government; realizing that this republic was 
founded upon Christian principles and can endure 
only as it embodies justice and righteousness, and 
asserting that all authority should seek the best good 
of all the governed, to this end wisely prohibiting 
what is wrong and permitting only what is right, 
hereby records and proclaims: 

Definition of Party and Arraignment of Parties. • . 

1. We accept and assert the definition given by 
Edmund Burke, that "a party is a body of men 
joined together for the purpose of promoting, by their 
joint endeavor, the national interest upon some par- 
ticular principle upon which they are all agreed." 
We declare that there is no principle now advocated, 
by any other party, which could be made a fact in 
government with such beneficent moral and ma- 
terial results as the principle of Prohibition, applied 
to the beverage liquor traflic; that the national inter- 
est could be promoted in no other way so* surely and 
widely as by its adoption and assertion through a 
national policy, and the co-operation therein of every 
state, forbidding the manufacture, sale, exportation, 
importation and transportation of intoxicating liq- 
uors for beverage purposes; that we stand for this 
as the only principle, proposed by any party any- 

7 



8 National Prohibition Platfobm. 

where, for the settlement of a question greater and 
graver than any other before the American people, 
and involving more profoundly than any other their 
moral future, and financial welfare; and that all the 
patriotic citizenship of this country, agreed upon 
.this principle, however much disagreement there 
may be as to minor considerations and issues, should 
stand together at the ballot-box, from this time for- 
ward, until Prohibition is the established policy of 
the United States, with a party in power to enforce 
it and to insure its moral and material benefits. 

We insist that such a party, agreed upon tjiis prin- 
ciple and policy, having sober leadership, without 
any obligation for success to the saloon vote and to 
those demoralizing political combinations of men 
and money now allied therewith and suppliant there- 
to, could successfully cope with all other and lesser 
problems of government, in legislative halls and in 
the executive chair, and that it is useless for any 
party to make declarations in its platform as to any 
questions concerning which there may be serious 
differences of opinion in its own membership, and 
as to> which, because of such differences, the party 
could legislate only on a basis of mutual concessions 
when coming into power. 

We submit that the Democratic and Republican 
parties are alike insincere in their assumed hostility 
to trusts and monopolies. They dare not and do* not 
attack the most dangerous of them all, the liquor 
power. So long as the saloon debauches the citizen 
and breeds the purchasable voter, money will con- 
tinue to buy its way to power. Break down this 
traffic, elevate manhood, and a sober citizenship will 
find a way to control dangerous combinations of cap- 
ital. 

We propose as a first step in the financial problems 
of the nation to save more than a billion of dollars 
every year, now annually expended to support the 
liquor traffic and to> demoralize our people. When 



The Issue Presented. 



that is accomplished, conditions will have so im- 
proved that with a clearer atmosphere the country 
can address itself to the questions as to the kind 
and quantity of currency needed. 

The Issue Presented. . . 

2. We reaffirm as true indisputably the declara- 
tion of William Windom when Secretary of the 
Treasury in the cabinet of President Arthur, that 
"Considered socially, financially, politically or mor- 
ally, the licensed liquor traffic is or ought to be the 
overwhelming issue in American politics," and that 
"the destruction of this iniquity stands next on the 
calendar of the world's progress." We hold that the 
existence of our party presents this issue squarely 
to the American people, and lays upon them the re- 
sponsibility of choice between liquor parties, domi- 
nated by distillers and brewers, with their policy of 
saloon perpetuation, breeding waste, wickedness, 
woe, pauperism, taxation, corruption and crime, and 
our one party of patriotic and moral principle, with 
a policy which defends it from domination by cor- 
rupt bosses and which insures it forever against the 
blighting control of saloon politics. 

We face with sorrow, shame and fear the awful 
fact that this liquor traffic has a grip on our govern- 
ment, municipal, state and national, through the rev- 
enue system and saloon sovereignty, which no other 
party dares to dispute; a grip which dominates the 
party now in power, from caucus to Congress, from 
policeman to President, from the rumshop to the 
White House; a grip which compels the chief execu- 
tive to consent that law 'shall be nullified in behalf 
of the brewer, that the canteen shall curse our army 
and spread intemperance across the seas, and that 
our flag shall wave as the symbol of partnership at 
home and abroad, between this government and the 
men who defy and defile it for their unholy gain, 



10 National, Prohibition Platform. 



The President Arraigned. . . 

3. We charge upon President McKinley, who was 
elected to his high office by appeals to Christian 
sentiment and patriotism almost unprecedented and 
by a combination of moral influences never before 
seen in this country, that, by his conspicuous exam- 
ple as a wine-drinker at pubic banquets and as a 
wine-serving host in the White House, he has done 
more to encourage the liquor business, to< demoralize 
the temperance habits of young men, and to bring 
Christian practices and requirements into disrepute, 
than any other President this republic has ever had. 
We further charge upon President McKinley re- 
sponsibility for the army canteen, with all its dire 
brood of disease, immorality, sin and death, in this 
country, iu Cuba, in Porto Rico and the Philippines; 
and we insist that by his attitude concerning the can- 
teen, and his apparent contempt for the vast number 
of petitions and petitioners protesting against it, 
he has outraged and insulted the moral sentiment 
of this country, in such a manner, and to such a de- 
gree, as calls for its righteous uprising and his in- 
dignant and effective rebuke. 

We challenge denial of the fact that our chief ex- 
ecutive, as commander in chief of the military forces 
of the United States, at any time prior to or since 
March 2, 1899, could have closed every army saloon, 
called a canteen, by executive order, as President 
Hayes in effect did before him, and should have 
closed them, for the same reason that actuated Pres- 
ident Hayes; we assert that the act of Congress, 
passed March second, 1899, forbidding the sale of 
liquor, "in any post exchange or canteen," by any 
"officer or private soldier" or by "any other person 
on any premises used for military purposes in the 
United States," was and is as explicit an act of 
Prohibition as the English language can frame; we 
declare our solemn belief that the Attorney General 
of the United States in his interpretation of that 



The President Abbaigbed. 11 

law, and the Secretary of War in his acceptance of 
that interpretation an.d his refusal to enforce the 
law, were and are guilty of treasonable nullification 
thereof, and that President McKinley, through his 
assent to and indorsement of such interpretation 
and refusal on the part of officials appointed by and 
responsible to him, shares responsibly in their guilt; 
and we record our conviction that a new and serious 
peril confronts our country, in the fact that its Pres- 
ident, at the behest of the beer power, dare and does 
abrogate a law of Congress, through subordinates 
removable at will by him and whose acts become his, 
and thus virtually confesses that laws are to be ad- 
ministered or to be nullified in the interest of a 
law-defying business, by an administration under 
mortgage to such business for support. 

Foreign Liquor Policy Comdemned. . . 

4. We deplore the fact that an administration cf 
this republic claiming the right and power to carry 
our flag across seas and to conquer and to annex new 
territory, should admit its lack of power to prohibit 
the American saloon on subjugated soil, or should 
openly confess itself subject to liquor sovereignty 
under that flag. We are humiliated, exasperated 
and grieved, by the evidence painfully abundant that 
this administration's policy of expansion is bearing 
so rapidly its first fruits of drunkenness, insanity 
and crime under the hothouse sun of the tropics; and 
when the president of the first Philippine commis- 
sion says "It was unfortunate that we introduced 
and established the saloon there, to> corrupt the na- 
tives and to exhibit the vices of our race," we charge 
the inhumanity and unchristianity of tnis act upon 
the administration of William McKinley and upon 
the party which elected and would perpetuate the 
same. 

5. We declare that the only policy which the gov- 
ernment of the United States can of right uphold a? 



il National Prohibition Platform. 



to the liquor traffic, under the national constitution, 
upon any territory under the military or civil con- 
trol of that government, is the policy of Prohibi- 
tion; that "to establish justice, insure domestic 
tranquillity, provide for the common defense, pro- 
mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
liberty to ourselves and our posterity," as the con- 
stitution provides, the liquor traffic must neither be 
sanctioned nor tolerated, and that the revenue policy 
which makes onr government a partner with distil- 
lers and brewers and barkeepers is a disgrace to 
our civilization, an outrage upon humanity, and a 
crime against God. 

We condemn the present administration at Wash- 
ington because it has repealed the prohibitory law 
in Alaska, and has given over the partly civilized 
tribes there to be the prey of the American grog-shop; 
and because it has entered upon a license policy in 
our new possessions by incorporating the same in 
the recent act of Congress in the code of laws for 
the government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

We call general attention to the fearful fact that 
exportation of liquors from the United States to the 
Philippine Islands increased in value from $337 in 
1898 to $467,198 in the first ten months of the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1900; and that while our expor- 
tation of liquors to Cuba never reached $30,000 a year, 
previous to American occupation of that island, our 
exports of such liquors to Cuba, during the fiscal year 
of 1899, reached the sum of $629,855. 

Call to Moral and Christian Citizenship. . . 

6. One great religious body (the Baptist) having 
truly declared of the liquor traffic "that it has no 
defensible right to exist, that it can never be re- 
formed, and that it stands condemned by its unright- 
eous fruits as a thing un-Christian, un-American, and 
perilous utterly to every interest in life"; another 
great religious body (the Methodist) having as truly 



Call to Moral and Christian Citizenship. 13 

asserted and reiterated that "no political party has 
a right to expect, nor should it receive, the votes of 
Christian men so long as it stands committed to the 
license system, or refuses to put itself on record in 
an attitude of open hostility to the saloon"; other 
great religious bodies having made similar deliver- 
ances, in language plain and unequivocal, as to the 
liquor traffic and the duty of Christian citizenship 
in opposition thereto; and the fact being plain and 
undeniable that the Democratic party stands for li- 
cense, the saloon, and the canteen, while the Repub- 
lican party, in policy and administration, stands for 
the canteen, the saloon and the revenue therefrom, 
we declare ourselves justified in expecting that Chris- 
tian voters everywhere shall cease their complicity 
with the liquor curse by refusing to< uphold a liquor 
party, and shall unite themselves with the only party 
which upholds the Prohibition policy, and which for 
nearly thirty years has been the faithful defender 
of the church, the state, the home and the school, 
against the saloon, its expanders and perpetuators, 
their actual and persistent foes. 

We insist that no difference in belief, as to any 
other question or concern of government, should 
stand in the way of such a union of moral and Chris- 
tian citizenship as we hereby invite, for the speedy 
settlement of this paramount moral, industrial, finan- 
cial, and political issue, which our party presents; 
and we refrain from declaring ourselves upon all 
minor matters, as to which differences of opinion 
may exist, that hereby we may offer to the American 
people a platform so broad that all can stand upon 
it who desire to see sober citizenship actually sover- 
eign over allied hosts of evil, sin and crime, in a gov- 
ernment of the people, by the people and for the 
people. 

We declare that there are but two real parties, to- 
day, concerning the liquor traffic— perpetuationists 
and Prohibitionists; and that patriotism, Christianity, 



14 National Prohibition Platform. 

and every interest of genuine and of pure democracy, 
besides the loyal demands of our common humanity, 
require the speedy union, in one solid phalanx at the 
ballot-box, of all who oppose the liquor traffic's per- 
petuation, and who covet endurance for this repub- 
lic. 



Additional Resolutions. 
The committee on platform also reported the fol- 
lowing supplemental resolutions, which were adopted: 

Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that the 
ballot should not be denied to any citizen of the United 
States on account of sex. 

Resolved, That in the organization of the Young People's 
Prohibition Leagues, as presented by the representatives of 
the League from the current platform^ we recognize an 
efficient agency for bringing about the suppression of the 
liquor traffic, legalized or otherwise, and aiding in the up- 
building of the Prohibition party. 

Resolved, That we recommend to the national executive 
committee and its chairman the advisability of giving such 
substantial aid to the organization of Young People's Prohi- 
bition Leagues as may be reasonably practicable. 



II.-BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF 
JOHN G. WOOLLEY. 

John Granville Wooliey, of Illinois, Prohibition 
candidate for President of the United States, was 
born February 15, 1850, in the town of Collinsville, 
Butler County, Ohio. His paternal ancestors were 
among the early settlers of this country, Emanuel 
Wooliey coming from England in 1653 and settling 
at Newport, R. I. His grandson, John, settled in 
Monmouth County, New Jersey. William Wooliey, 
a descendant of John, was one of the first settlers 
of Cincinnati, Ohio, where his son, Edwin C, father 
of the subject of this sketch, was born. 

Edwin C. Wooliey was a graduate of the Miami 
and Ohio Medical Colleges. He was a man of splen- 
did judgment and of an exceedingly judicial turn 
of mind. From him Mr. Wooliey is supposed to have 
inherited his characteristic tenacity of purpose an£ 
unflinching adherence to a chosen position. He mar- 
ried Elizabeth K. Hunter, whose parents were among 
Ohio's earliest settlers. She was of Scotch-Irish 
descent, a woman of most extraordinary gifts, and 
it is said that whatever of poetry, grace, and pathos 
of speech John G. Wooliey has, was inherited from 
his mother. 

John G. Wooliey was the only son born of the 

marriage of Edwin and Elizabeth Wooliey. He had 

one sister, Agnes, who died in 1869. While young 

Wooliey was still in his early boyhood, his family 

moved to Illinois, where, at the age of seventeen, we 

find him holding the position of head master in the 

public schools. He graduated in 1871 from the Ohio 

Wesleyan University, receiving its degree of A. M. 

two years later. Immediately after his graduation 

15 



16 Biographical Sketch of Woollen. 

he went abroad, entering the Law Department of the 
University of Michigan npon his return. 

Mr. Woolley was admitted to the bar in the Su- 
preme Court of Illinois in 1873, the chief justice pro- 
nouncing his examination the most brilliant he had 
ever known. After practicing live years in Illinois, 
during two of which, 1876-77, he was city attorney 
of Paris, Illinois, he removed to Minnesota, beginning 
his practice in the Supreme Court of that state in 
1878. He entered practice in the United States Su- 
preme Court in 1885. He was state's attorney at 
Minneapolis from 1884 to 1886. At the expiration of 
his term of office as state's attorney, Mr. Woolley 
was drawn into criminal practice exclusively. Up to 
that time he had been engaged in civil practice and 
had conducted to a successful issue the most impor- 
tant commercial litigation in the Northwest, in which, 
as the representative of a syndicate of New York 
merchants, he attacked a transfer of property on the 
ground of fraud and by one argument recovered 
$2,000,000 for his clients. He is said to have received 
higher fees than any other lawyer in Minnesota, hav- 
ing once been paid $500 in gold for a speech of five 
minutes in a successful plea for mercy for a convicted 
criminal. 

In 1888 Mr. Woolley was offered by Gen. Fisk and 
others associated with him, a large salary to take 
up the practice of his profession in New York City 
and have charge of certain corporate interests, but 
declined in order to become an agitator, without any 
assured salary, and has since that time declined bona 
fide offers of $25,000 a year to re-enter legal practice. 
While he has abandoned his profession forever, he 
has kept up his social relations with the distinguished 
members of the bar, among whom he numbers his 
warmest friends. 

Mr. Woolley was married in 1873, to Mary Veronica 
Gerhardt, a daughter of Dr. M. Gerhardt, of Dela- 
ware, Ohio, formerly of Philadelphia. They have 
three sons, Paul Gerhardt, who is in John Hopkins 



Biographical Sketch of Woolley. 17 

^ a. . — 

University; Edwin Campbell, at Columbia University, 
and John Rea, in the University of Chicago. 

Mr. Woolley, to use his own words, "became a 
Christian and a party Prohibitionist at the same in- 
stant," January 31, 1888, in New York City, referring 
to which he says: "With the first dawn of the new 
light that came into my soul on that January morn- 
ing I saw that the Republican party was one of the 
sins to which I must never return." He immediately 
joined the Church of the Strangers, of which the late 
Dr. Deems was pastor, and launched out into active 
Christian and Prohibition party work. Dr. Deems 
was a Methodist, as were the parents of Mr. Woolley, 
and he has always called himself a Methodist, though 
in fact upon his removal to Chicago he and his family 
joined in a mission work which has since grown into 
the University Congregational Church. It may be 
of interest to add that from the time of George Fox, 
the Woolley family belonged to the Society of Friends, 
until the grandfather of the subject of this sketch re- 
moved to Ohio, where there was no Friends Church, 
and became a Methodist. 

Having early acquired a reputation as si speaker 
of wonderful power and flexibility of language, Mr. 
Woolley was sought upon all occasions in Prohibition 
and temperance work. Since 1888 he has, on an aver- 
age, made a speech a day. In 1898 he spoke for 
300 nights in succession on "Inalienable Rights," 
under the auspices of the Illinois Y. P. S. C. E. In 
Minneapolis he spoke for 100 and in New Haven for 
thirty consecutive nights, and has spoken over a hun- 
dred times in Boston. 

In 1892 he went to England as the guest of Lady 
Henry Somerset, and spoke nearly every day for 
seven months in the cities of England, Scotland and 
Whales. 

In 1898, when The New York Voice, the recognized 
national organ of the Prohibition party, became The 
New Voice and was changed in form and character- 



18 Biographical Sketch of Woolley. 

istics, # many Prohibitionists still felt the need of an 
aggressive party paper that should make Prohibition 
the sole burden of its message. Mr. Woolley was 
one of these, and he at once suggested to Samuel 
Dickie, then national chairman of the Prohibition 
party, that a co-partnership between the two be 
formed and such a paper published, through their 
joint endeavor, as would rekindle the fire in the 
breasts of the Prohibition war horses, who had be- 
come somewhat discouraged on account of the 
changes inaugurated by The New Voice since th.it 
paper had become a high-class literary paper in which 
Prohibition was not given its old-time prominence. 

The idea meeting Mr. Dickie's approval, the firm 
of Dickie & Woolley soon purchased The Lever, pub- 
lished at Rockford, Illinois, moved it to Chicago, 
and changed its name to The Chicago Lever, with Mr. 
Woolley as editor-in-chief. 

The Prohibitionists of the country, appreciating 
the spirit of the undertaking, sent in their subscrip- 
tions by the thousand, and in August, 1899, The Chi- 
cago Lever and The New Voice were consolidated, 
under the name of The New Voice and Chicago Lever, 
with Chicago as the place of publication. 

Although he is now editor-in-chief of the most in- 
fluential Prohibition paper in the world, Mr. Woolley 
has not given up his platform work and he continues 
to reach larger audiences, on his chosen theme, than 
any other platform speaker in the country. Last fall 
he addressed a series of forty meetings, on consecu- 
tive dates, in the state of Illinois, the interest in 
these great gatherings being such that men drove 
for dozens of miles over bad roads to hear him, and 
in the cities and towns where he was billed to speak 
business men closed their stores and offices and the 
public schools were adjourned to permit the scholars 
to attend the afternoon meetings. 

Although in his public addresses there is an abso- 
lute absence of oratorical effort or art, yet it is doubt- 



Biographical Sketch of Woolley. 19 

ful if the words of any public speaker fasten them- 
selves as do his upon the memory. It is impossible 
to forget what he says. When he and Dr. Frank 
Gunsaulus met after twenty-five years, the doctor 
repeated the peroration of Woolley's graduation 
speech. He is of a distinctly retiring disposition, of 
an almost diffident turn— not averse to conversation 
but not at all ready in that way. When he speaks on 
his chosen theme he does so with all the intensity of 
his being, his whole soul is in every word. When 
once asked his power, he answered: "If I have any 
power it is because I go before an audience just as 
I would go before a jury, caring not a fig what the 
judge might think, but knowing there was one man 
on the jury I had to win, and exerting all the energy 
I possessed to win that one man." 

During their lives John G. Whittier and Phillips 
Brooks were warm friends of Mr. Woolley, and among 
the interesting things of his house are the autograph 
letters of great men and women who were his per- 
sonal friends. 

A few years ago one of the leading magazines paid 
him the following tribute: - 

"The life of John G. Woolley reads like a modern 
exposition of the Apostle's creed. There was the 
first birth in natural innocence, the suffering under 
the Pontius Pilate of sinful appetite, and the descent 
into the hell of a burned out life; then came the glad 
rising into a newness of thought and power, the glori- 
ous ascension to fellowship with God and man, the 
communion with the saints and martyrs of all ages, 
a forgiveness of sins which carried with it the blot- 
ting out of the old, and a resurrection of the body 
into a life in which it became henceforth a 'temple 
of the Holy Ghost/ The days of miracles are not 
yet passed, and this man with tongue of fire, called 
of God as truly as was ever prophet of old, is a living 
proof of the fact. His work is just begun, but its 



20 Biographical Sketch of Woolley. 

outcome is destined to affect the future as has the 
work of but few men." 

Though Mr. Woolley was formerly a Republican in 
politics, for more than ten years he has been an ac- 
knowledged leader of Prohibition thought, and a firm 
believer in the ultimate triumph of political righte- 
ousness, through the agency df an aroused Christian 
citizenship. The motto on his helmet is, "The Honor 
of the Church is the Issue of 1900." 



IJI.-BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF 
HENRY B. METCALF. 

Henry Brewer Metcalf, of Rhode Island, nominee 
of the Prohibition party for Vice-President of the 
United States, was born in Boston, April 2, 1829. His 
early education was obtained in the public schools 
of his native city. At the age of fifteen he was ap- 
prenticed to a dry goods importing and jobbing firm 
in Boston, through which connection he became- in- 
formed about, and interested in, manufacturing, and 
to this branch of commercial and business activity 
he has, since 1872, given his entire attention. 

In the year 1856 he changed his home from Boston 
to Roxbury, Mass., where he remained for eight years, 
becoming a leader in political and other work inci- 
dent to the war period, although he declined to be a 
candidate for public office. In 1864 he removed co 
Winchester, and became active in politics as a work- 
ing Republican, except during the Greeley campaign, 
when, his sympathies being wholly with Mr. Greeley, 
he labored zealously for the success of the ticket 
headed by his name. In 1872, being one of the vic- 
tims of the great Boston fire, he took up his residence 
in Pawtucket, R. I., of which place he is still a citi- 
zen. 

Mr. Metcalf is to-day one of Rhode Island's best 
known business men, being connected with many 
manufacturing, commercial and financial enterprises. 
In 1867 he helped to organize the Boston Button Com- 
pany, in which he is still the senior partner, the con- 
cern not being a corporation. The manufacturing 
headquarters of this company are in Boston, with 
branches in New York and Chicago. Some thirty 
years since he was called to the commercial manage- 
ment of the Pawtucket Hair Cloth Company, whose 

21 



22 Biographical Sketch of Metcalf. 

business was then very much depressed. Under his 
management it attained phenomenal prosperity. He 
still retains the presidency of this corporation. He 
helped to organize the Campbell Machine Company, 
a highly successful shoe machinery manufacturing 
concern, and is now its treasurer. He is a director 
in the Royal Weaving Company, of Pawtucket, and 
is more or less intimately identified with other busi- 
ness organizations. Since 1878 he has been a trustee 
of the Providence County Savings Bank, of Paw- 
tucket, and for ten years has been its president. 

He is also president of the corporation of Tufts' 
College, of which he has for many years been a 
trustee and from which he holds the honorary degree 
of A. M. 

Two years after locating in Pawtucket, Mr. Metcalf 
rendered valuable assistance in the reorganization of 
the city government, and was elected a member of the 
city council. He was the earliest, and one of the 
most insistent, friends of the introduction of water 
into the town for domestic and manufacturing pur- 
poses, and to his clear arguments, cogent reasoning 
and steadfast support of that measure Pawtucket is 
indebted, more than to the efforts of any other one 
man, for this, perhaps the greatest blessing that has 
come to her during her corporate existence. In 1885 
he was elected to the state senate as a Republican. 
He was nominated for re-election the following year, 
but was defeated by the liquor men and their allies 
whom he had always vigorously opposed. 

Mr. Metcalf is almost as widely known in religious 
as in business circles, having occupied many impor- 
tant official posts in his church— the Universalis t— 
serving for five years as president of the national 
convention of the denomination, of which his parents 
were pioneer members. For twenty-seven consecu- 
tive years he has served as Sunday school superin- 
tendent of his own church. 

He was married May 4, 1854, to Elizabeth Freeman 



Biographical. Sketch of Metcalf. 23 

of Boston, and has one son, a mechanical engineering 
expert. 

Mr. Metcalf in early manhood graduated from the 
Whig party into the Republican, and was for many 
years an earnest supporter of that party, usually re- 
fusing to hold office. 

All his life Mr. Metcalf has been an active and con- 
scientious temperance advocate, speaker and worker. 
For twenty-five years he has been a member of the 
board of managers of the National Temperance So-' 
ciety. In 1836 he was one of the leaders in the non- 
partisan movement that carried Prohibition in his 
state, and in the same year he joined Albert Griffin of 
Kansas in organizing the anti-saloon Republicaa 
movement, there then being abundant evidence that 
many influential Republicans felt the need of ad- 
vanced temperance legislation. To this work he con- 
tributed freely of his time, strength and influence. 
The New York Weekly Mail and Express being the 
organ of this movement, its leading political editorials 
were, for a year or more, written by Mr. Metcalf. 
This anti-saloon movement failed, in part from the 
bad faith of certain Republican leaders, and in part 
from the cowardice of United States Senators and 
others who had favored its organization. Mr. Metcalf 
is not proud of his participation in this political move- 
ment, but has always defended the good faith of its 
conception. In 1888, finding that the old parties were 
trifling with the Prohibition law, he helped to organ- 
ize the "Law Enforcement" party of Rhode Island, 
which cast a large vote. In 1889, the people having 
been tricked into repeal of Prohibition, in the effort 
to hold together those friends of the cause who were 
not yet ready to join the Prohibition party, Mr. Met- 
calf helped organize the "Union" party, which, in its 
numerical strength, proved a disappointmeent. It 
was through these devious paths that Mr. Metcalf 
became a full-fledged party Prohibitionist in the au- 
tumn of 1889. In 1893 the Prohibitionists made him 



24 Biographical Sketch of Metcalf. 

their candidate for governor, and at the ensuing" elec- 
tion he received more than seven per cent of the en- 
tire vote cast. This, under the circumstances, was 
a most remarkable achievement. In the present year, 
1900, he was again the standard bearer of the party, 
and polled a large and satisfactory vote. 

In the earlier years of his manhood Mr. Metcalf 
came to toe an ardent supporter of the cause of pro- 
tection to American industry, as interpreted by the 
great leaders of that time. He became a member of 
the American Protective Tariff League of New York, 
at its original formation, and for several years was 
a member of the executive committee of that body. 
This, however, was before the league became a parti- 
san organization. He has always advocated the prin- 
ciple, that the true condition of national prosperity 
is peaceful industry, and at all times has been op- 
posed to the aggressive war spirit. He is at present 
one of the vice-presidents of the American Anti-Im- 
perialist League. 

For many years he has been an earnest advocate 
of woman suffrage. 

Mr. Metcalf is hale and vigorous, with iron gray 
hair and a fresh and ruddy complexion, presenting 
the appearance of a man of perhaps fifty-eight or 
sixty years. 



IV.-MR. WOOLLEY'S LETTER OF 
ACCEPTANCE. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee:— 
I accept this nomination, not as the leader of a for- 
lorn hope, but as a color-bearer in the next and great- 
est forward movement of humanity. For it seems 
well within lines of the most studious moderation to 
believe that organized conscience, as represented by 
the church, and organized greed as represented by 
the liquor traffic, are forming rapidly in American 
politics for the greatest pitched battle of the ages, 
and in that fight he is the chief of dullards who can- 
not pick the winner. 

First, then, and least important of the things en- 
titled to be mentioned here, the personal honor you 
confer upon me, resolved by the prism of cold fact, 
appears to show my labors multiplied, my income 
stopped, my faults magnified, my motives clouded, 
my liberty abridged, my usefulness diminished, my 
career cut short, but in the whole white light of faith 
—which is nothing more than reason clarified — I seem 
to see that although no vote be cast for us in the 
electoral college, yet many a party, elected and re- 
elected, may have to walk behind ours, when the 
lines of fame are formed according to true precedence. 

As history fills her reams and tomes and tons' of 
the wisdom of the "smooth" statesmanship to whose 
myopic vision the lesser of the two likely evils seems 
the highest good, and of the piety of the prophets 
who will stoop to prosper, she will reserve a page or 
two for the "foolishness" of Christian citizenship, 
and underneath the list of names that you from time 
to time have marked for honorable mention— Black 
and Smith and Dow and Fisk and Eidwell and Lever- 
ing and the rest— will write: "These all died in the 

faith, not paving received the premises, but having 

25 



26 John G. Woolley's Letter of Acceptance. 

seen them and greeted them from afar, and con- 
fessed that they were pilgrims and strangers on the 
earth". At the foot of this list, and least worthy of 
all, so far, you offer to add my name, and I thank 
you. You are the picked men of the churches; the 
bravest of the brave in politics, and I would rather 
be the humblest private in the ranks, with such as 
you, than to be President of the United States and 
feel obliged to touch my hat to the saloon. 

But our success depends upon the advancement of 
no candidate. If it were so, we might well feel dis- 
couraged at the prospect. It takes some millions of 
votes to elect a President, but in the enthronement 
of a righteous principle one "first-rate fighting man" 
shall chase a thousand camp followers, and two "put 
ten thousand to flight". Our issue is our real nomi- 
nee, and if but a half million Christian men be true 
we will elect it on the sixth of next November. And 
I for one expect that we shall get the half million, 
and long before the fourth of March inaugurate the 
doctrine of Prohibition with a party behind it in the 
political consciousness of the United States. 

This confidence in the Tightness and the progress 
and the outcome of our movement arises not alone 
from sentimental faith that right will triumph, but 
also from plain, present symptoms in the body politic. 
The Prohibition party has not descended from the 
clouds to agitate this nation and convict it. We have 
not come back out of the future to trouble the pres- 
ent time. We are blood and bone and brain of the 
same past from which our neighbors spring. The 
same high thought that controls us is growing in 
our fellow citizens. We are not the creator of a new 
time, but a sign of the time that is here. We have 
seen the high vision sooner than the others, but the 
mountains of political possibility in America— the 
homes, the churches and the common schools— are 
"full of horses and chariots". The hand of the Ameri- 
can people is groping for "the sword of the Lord and 



John G. Woolley's Letter of Acceptance. 27 



of Gideon" and some of us now living will see them 
sheathe it in the belly of the saloon. 

Why, then, having this confidence, do we cry back 
at our friends who cling to the old ways, saying hard 
things and sometimes cruel things? That is too deep 
a matter to go into here, but it is physically certain 
that the reason why we human beings think and 
act and speak at all, is because our own nerve-ends 
fret each other. And so, in social life, man frets man 
and state frets state, and, somehow, by that travail, 
the great world-thoughts are born and under way be- 
fore any individual can claim the credit of their 
bringing forth. And if we do agitate the good ill- 
naturedly sometimes, it is, perhaps, because our ap- 
petite for the ' 'strong meat" of truth is more de- 
veloped than our powers of digestion. For myself, 
at any rate, whatever vices of presentation may be 
charged to me, I am not and cannot be a pessimist, 
for in every quiet wholesome moment of my thinking, 
I perceive that my own highest thought is but a frag- 
ment of the output of the social organism of which 
I am a member. 

When the unreasoning heartache grips me which 
makes me hurl fierce upbraidings at my fellow men, 
my church, my country. I forgive myself and apolo- 
gize to nobody, for I know that my abrupt half sen- 
tences are but the unspoken and unspeakable agonies 
of horror-stricken homes filling the unseen channels 
of human sympathy, and pouring themselves into an 
open mind from day to day. When in my mind I 
make my nightly round of military camps and see 
the white-faced lads, in their rough boxes, dead at 
the hands of the liquor traffic, denied even the grace 
of a bullet or a poisoned arrow in their taking off; 
when I know that they were emasculated in their 
manhood by the "canteen" and then robbed, diseased, 
flayed by the "outside dive", when I know that the 
lieutenant-general of the army tried to save them 
fi^om the insiduous, respectable allurement at their 



23 John G. Wookley's Letter of Acceptance, 



tent doors, and that Congress, without one voice dis- 
senting, forbade that damnable infamy to thrust itself 
up to their lips, quivering with homesickness; when, 
I say, I remember these things, and call the annull- 
ment of that statute^ treason, I know I speak the 
inner thought of my country, and no time-serving 
pot-hunter shall frighten me by whimpering that I 
"speak evil of dignitaries". But stop! Is not the 
canteen better than the "outside dive"? No! It is 
not better than anything. It is wrong. It is worse 
than the dive in evil initiative, and infinitely, in- 
famously worse in the teaching. The dive is kept by 
a brute biped, unfeathered. The canteen is the 
creature of a "godly man", a "Christian gentleman", 
and the President of the United States, in violation of 
the law of his church and of his oath of office. 

To this high faith in the essential unity and in- 
tegrity of the people, our platform is a signal testi- 
mony. It lays its corner on the religious idea, which 
is common to all men and the bedrock of all society, 
and forbids "the sound of any ax or hammer" of a 
politician trying to force a joint or rush the super- 
structure. In form and subject-matter, also, it seems 
exactly suited to the end in view, which is not, 
primarily, to carry an election, but to make it pos- 
sible for a Christian man to carry himself, man fash- 
ion, at an election. In superficial area it suffers in 
comparison with the others, but in intellectual and 
moral breadth and length and depth and height it 
has no rival in the field to-day, The peril of nations 
is the sag of moral character. They run to art, 
science, literature, philosophy, and drive out home- 
spun virtue in the undertow. Greece did that, and 
how she died is ancient history. They run to law, 
statecraft, armies, colonies and forget "truth in the 
inward parts". Rome rotted down of that, a fort- 
night of centuries ago. They run to "prosperity at 
home and prestige abroad" and sell the truth, for 
offices and money. This country is trying that; but 



John G. Woolley's Letter oe acceptance. 29 

love says, if not judgment, that she will cleanse her- 
self and live forever. To that end, some trust in free 
silver and some in cornered gold, but we say, back 
to the conscience of the people! The highest states- 
manship, in such a government as this, is that which, 
as often as possible, lines up the people at a simple, 
single, conscience proposition. This is the noblest 
use a general election can be put to. The multiplex 
issues of economics are for experts and committees 
and legislatures. They mix the people, miss their 
best thought and dull their moral sense. But, when 
they speak upon a moral question, fairly and honor- 
ably submitted, "the voice of the people is the voice 
of God". The stain and peril of our politics to-day is 
that the great leaders are blind or false to this di- 
vinely ordered function of the electorate. The agony 
of the bosses is, lest we remember the heights of our 
nature and refuse to wallow one another in the dirt, 
like ragged piccaninnies, for pennies that the ruling 
scoundrels fling amongst us, while the "powers" of 
commercialism prostitute our own franchises to slice 
us up— in the language of current diplomacy— into 
"spheres of influence" for purposes of spoil. 

Most pertinent illustrations are close at hand and 
very tempting. But in the shadow of the news from 
China and the enormous responsibilities thrown by it 
upon the parties in control in Congress and the execu- 
tive department of the government, it seems to me 
that good citizens of all parties should refrain from 
general criticism until civilization gets its foot upon 
the yellow spider at Pekin. But none the less, the 
right, and duty, of our party holds; to bring, clean- 
handed, into this and every crisis, the voice of tfce 
church: "There is an accursed thing in the midst of 
thee". O America. "Thou canst not stand before 
thine enemies until ye take away the accursed thing 
from among you"! If conscience it to be ordered to 
the rear as you expand your borders and your powd- 
ers, never mind your murdered missionaries and min- 



30 John G. Woolley^s Letter of Acceptance. 

isters; murder is nothing but murder after all! If 
conscience is to die, at home, never mind the color 
of the coins you lay upon her eyes! If bravery be- 
longs to Christian government, no man or party that 
is afraid of the liquor traffic is fit to lead this people 
into the twentieth century! 

If "the safety of the people is the supreme law" T 
the Prohibition party brings to the ballot box the 
greatest issue ever framed in politics; no faraway, 
impractical fanaticism, either, but a real thing, close, 
importunate, reasonable, universal. Would you strike 
for "life, liberty and happiness"? Then train your 
guns of civil rights upon the license system, that sells 
short leases to bad men and weak men and ignorant 
men, to spread death, slavery and misery in every 
land. Would you uphold the constitution? Then tear 
down the organized disunion of the liquor traffic that 
establishes injustice and breeds domestic turmoil; that 
undermines the common defense, promotes anarchy, 
disease, idiocy, vagrancy and crime and makes "the 
blessings of liberty" a sham and a lie to millions of 
us and our posterity! Would you be true to our island 
dependencies? Spare their people the brain-rot of 
the American saloon ! Would you make sure of hon- 
est money? Refuse the bloody millions of the liquor 
traffic; shut down the distilleries and breweries; shut 
up the saloons; shut out of the ports foreign alcohol 
in every form, and open up the windows of the con- 
science of the country to the voices of the dawning 
century! 

Two errors beset us all the way, that which says 
"public sentiment is not ready, this thing cannot be 
done"! and that which says, "It is right, we shall win 
quickly"! 

If public sentiment is not ready, we must get it 
ready, and that cannot be done by surrendering to the 
enemy. But the supposition wrongs the people. They 
are ready, if they can have their attention drawn 
and held to the religious argument, as opposed to 



John G. Woolley's Letter of Acceptance. 31 

party expediency. They have been dragged about in 
the '"bad lands" of politics until they are discouraged 
and perverted in judgment, so that they do not reason 
of righteousness at all. We do not need to create 
sentiment, but to collect it, and that cannot be done 
quickly. Our fight is not against the people, nor even 
against the saloon, primarily, but we fight to set up 
an ideal, and victory in such a matter neither halts 
nor hurries. Few of us can lay claim to what is 
called ''political sagacity". Problems of human gov- 
ernment are very big and very complicated. The very 
simplest of them, even if one's own opinion be 
adopted, may involve time far beyond his span of 
life, and interests far beyond his powers of calcula- 
tion. His own capacity may be very small, his sense 
of proportion crude, his judgment variable, his will 
none too strong. In the argument, therefore, of ques- 
tions, many of whose elements are unknown, and 
even unknowable, to him, and which are so vast that 
when he looks at them he cannot tell cause from 
effect, nor premise from conclusion, he cannot hope 
to hold his own against debaters who know far more 
than he does. He cannot even trust himself, unop- 
posed, in very complicated matters where friendship 
and ambition and property and self-interests are part 
and parcel. But he will find that he can always tell 
the right from the wrong side of a simple, moral 
question. And, judging others by myself, I say, on 
the ground of both good morals and good politics, 
that the next great business of this country is to get 
itself upon a straight-out conscience basis, trusting 
any ''civil service" that comes out of that to be re- 
liable in minor things. To tell the points of the 
compass, to this day, I have to rub the Aladdin's 
lamp of my imagination and be transported to my 
childhood home, which stood on a hill facing east; 
once there, the whole plan of the earth becomes plain 
to me. Sc, in my politics, it seems to me the part of 
wisdom to find the direction and relation of things, 



32 John G. Woolley's Letter oe Acceptance. 

by going back in spirit to take my bearings "in my 
Father's house". 

By the revolution of" 177G we set up the ideal of 
liberty; by the revolution of 1789 we set up the ideal 
of social confederacy; by the revolution of 1861 we 
set up the ideal of national unity. Not one of these 
ideals is yet realized in perfect fact, but they are 
coming on. By the revolution of 1900 we shall set 
up national righteousness, which, providentially, is 
ready to loyal hands in the issue of the Prohibition 
party. And so, thanking you once more for this dis- 
tinguished mark of your confidence, I bid you, for 
the honor of the church, in the great words of the 
father of our country, to come on, "Let us lift up a 
standard to which the wise and honest may repair 
—the event is in the hand of God". 

JOHN G. WOOLLEY. 

Chicago, 111., July 20, 1900. 



V.-MR. METCALF'S LETTER OP 
ACCEPTANCE. 

Gentlemen of the Committee:— I have the honor 
to acknowledge receipt of your letter advising me 
that the National Prohibition Convention, in session 
at Chicago, June 27 and 28, selected me as its candi- 
date for Vice-President of the United States in the 
national election of the present year. 

Under a sense of profound gratitude for the honor 
thus conferred, and not unmindful of my own con- 
sequent responsibilities, it has seemed to me a duty 
to accept the nomination, which I hereby do, and 
pledge the very best service of which I am capable, 
in contribution to the party's success. 

Most heartily do I approve and endorse the declara- 
tion of principle and purpose embodied in the party 
platform so enthusiastically adopted at Chicago. 

Its proposition to concentrate the entire strength 
of the party in attack upon the one common enemy 
commends itself to me as a policy in harmony with 
all wise leadership in the past. It does not represent 
an intent to abandon other vital reforms, but seeks 
rather to open the way for their successful advance. 
Because the liquor power, more efficiently organized 
than any political party, stands solidly arrayed 
against every worthy reform, declaredly seeking its 
own perpetuity, every true reformer should demand 
its overthrow. 

It would be impossible for me to define my attitude 
toward the principles of the Prohibition party more 
comprehensively or more tersely than in my declara- 
tion of hearty acceptance of the Chicago platform, 
and I will make no attempt thereto. Our issue is 
not one of mere sentiment, but it enters into most of 

33 



34 Henry B. MetcIal^'s Letter otf Acceptance. 

the important problems of political economy and 
social reform that to-day confront civilization. All 
efforts for municipal reform, purification of the fran- 
chise, improved prison systems, efficient public chari- 
ties, honest legislation, public safety and good order, 
must and will stagnate until advocates thereof be- 
come willing to abate the chief cause of hindrance to 
their effort. 

The conflict between Christian principle and the 
tolerance of drunkard making is as absolutely irre- 
pressible as was that between human slavery and 
freedom. 

We stand for a cause that cannot die, whatever the 
strength and endurance of its present defenders, and 
faithful labor in its behalf cannot be in vain. 

Our warfare is against drunkard making and all 
of its agencies. The "low dives" that defy law are 
abominable enough, but their power for devastation 
is not comparable to that of the gilded saloons that 
have the protection of law. The latter not only wrecK 
the lives and souls of their patrons, but by their 
money payment they wreck the consciences of 
thousands who never cross their thresholds, many 
of whom suppose themselves to be Christians. 

Believing as I do that the beverage liquor traffic 
cannot be legalized by money payment without hei- 
nous sin, my most earnest warfare must be against 
the legalizer rather than the product, against the 
principal rather than the agent, against the seed- 
sower rather than the crop. Nor am I able to 
make any sharp distinctions, as to principles in- 
volved, between citizens who deliberately vote for 
legalization and those who consent thereto by their 
silence. 

A sale of indulgences is, always was, and always 
ought to be, intolerable, no matter what fashionable 
society, political tricksters, or amiable cowards may 
say or do, or omit to say or do. 

I have long been convinced that, in view of the im- 



Henry B. Metcalf's Letter of Acceptance. 35 

portance of the beverage liquor traffic, every intelli- 
gent citizen stands either for its suppression or for 
its perpetuation, and this whether with or without 
any clear deliberation. Neutrality in such a cause 
is a fiction that I cannot accept. 

I am aware that common usage justifies a candi- 
date in an expression of his views on general public 
policy, but the specific character of our party plat- 
form seems to make such action on my part super- 
fluous. 

Under any circumstances, I would, as a candidate, 
shrink from the making of campaign pledges, seek- 
ing to be judged by my record rather than by my 
promises. In short, I would like to be known, for 
better or for worse, precisely as my neighbors know 
me. I suppose that those neighbors have never sus- 
pected me of being a "one-idea man" or that I have 
ever tried to evade responsibility in the face of any 
important public duty. I suppose that they have 
never doubted that in performing the duties of my 
citizenship I have been loyal to my convictions, how- 
ever unpopular. I hope they have never suspected 
me of the sin of neutrality on any issue of righteous- 
ness. 

Such as I am, and with all the power that I pos- 
sess, I dedicate myself to the Prohibition party in its 
devotion to God and humanity. 

HENRY B. METCALF. 

Pawtucket, R. I., July 26, 1900. 



VI.-PROHIBITION PARTY HISTORY. 



The Prohibition party is said to have had its origin 
in an action of the Right Worthy Grand Lodge of 
Good Templars, which at its session held in Oswego, 
N. Y., May 27, 18G9, adopted a resolution recommend- 
ing that a national convention for the purpose of 
forming a political party favorable to Prohibition be 
held at an early day. Subsequently a committee 
consisting of the Rev. John Russell, Detroit; Prof. 
Daniel Wilkins, Bloomington, 111.; J. A. Spencer. 
Cleveland; J. N. Stearns, New York, and James 
Black, of Lancaster, Pa., was appointed to call such 
a convention. 

The convention, at which the party was organized, 
was held in Farwell Hall, Chicago, Sept. 1, 1869, 
Nearly 500 delegates from twenty states were pres- 
ent. The first national nominating convention was 
held at Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 22, 1872, at which 
James Black, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for 
President, and John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice- 
President The following table tells where the na- 
tional conventions have been held and gives names 
and states of Presidential nominees: 

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS AND NOMINEES. 



Year 


Place 


For President 


State 


For Vice-Pres. 


State 


1872 


Columbus 


James Black 


Pa. 


John Russell 


Mich. 


1876 


Cleveland 


Green C. Smith 


Ky. 


G. T. Stewart 


Ohio. 


1880 


Cleveland 


Neal Dow 


Me. 


H. A. Thompson 


Ohio. 


1884 


Pittsburg 


J. P. St. John 


Kan. 


William Daniel 


Md. 


1888 


India'polis 


C. B. Fisk 


N.J. 


John A. Brooks 


Mo. 


1892 


Cincinnati 


John Bidwell 


Cal. 


J. B. Cranfill 


Tex. 


1896 


Pittsburg 


J. Levering 


Md. 


Hale Johnson 


111. 


1900 


Chicago 


J. G. Woolley 


111. 


H. B. Metcalf 


R. I. 



The Rev. John Russell of Michigan was the first 
national chairman of the Prohibition party. He was 
succeeded in 1876 by James Black of Pennsylvania. 
Gideon T. Stewart of Ohio held the office from 
August 24, 1882, to July 23, 1884, when John B. FincU 



Platform Declarations, 37 

was elected. Mr. Finch died in October, 1887, and 
Samuel Dickie of Michigan was chosen to fill his 
place. Mr. Dickie served for twelve years. He re- 
signed in December, 1899, and was succeeded Jan. 1, 
1900, by Oliver W. Stewart of Illinois, who still oc- 
cupies the position. William T. Wardwell of New 
York has been secretary of the national committee 
for a number of years, and Samuel D. Hastings of 
Wisconsin, treasurer since 1882. 



Platform Declarations. 

The national platforms, in addition to their declar- 
ations against the liquor traffic and against other 
parties for complicity in that traffic, have contained 
many radical utterances on other issues, among 
which have been the following: 

1S72.— "That we favor the election of President, Vice-Presi- 
dent and United States Senators by direct vote of the peo- 
ple." 

1S72.— "We are opposed to any discrimination of capital 
against labor, as well as to all monopoly, and class legisla- 
tion. " 

1S72.— "That the rates of inland and ocean postage, of tele- 
graphic communication, of railroad and water transportation 
and travel should be reduced to the lowest practicable point, 
by force of laws wisely and justly framed." 

1872. —"That the right of suffrage rests on no mere circum- 
stance of color, race, former social condition, sex, or nation- 
ality." 

1876.— "The abolition of class legislation, and of special 
privileges in the Government." 

lg76._"The appropriation of the public lands, in limited 
quantities, to actual settlers only." 

1876.— "The suppression, by law, of lotteries, and gambling 
in gold, stocks, produce, and every form of money and prop- 
erty, and the penal inhibition of the use of the public mails 
for advertising schemes of gambling and lotteries." 

1876— "The separation of the money of Government from 
all banking institutions. The National Government only 
Should exercise the high prerogative of issuing paper money," 



38 Prohibition Party History. 

__ „ _ ___ 

1882.— "The abolition of all monopolies, class legislation, and 
special privileges from Government, injurious to the equal 
rights of citizens." 

1882.— "The control of railroad and other corporations to 
prevent abuses of power, and to protect the interests of labor 
and commerce." 

1884.— "That the public lands should be held for homes fcr 
the people, and not bestowed as gifts to corporations, or sold 
in large tracts for speculation upon the needs of actual set- 
tlers." 

1888.— "For prohibiting all combinations of capital to control 
and to increase the cost of products of popular consump- 
tion." 

1888.— "For the establishment of uniform laws governing 
marriage and divorce." 

1888.— "That men and women should receive equal pay for 
equal work." 

1888.— "That no person should have the ballot in any state 
who is not a citizen of the United States." 

1888.— "That any form of license, taxation, or regulation of 
the liquor traffic is contrary to good government; that any 
party that supports regulation, license, or taxation enters 
into alliance with such traffic, and becomes the actual foe 
of the State's welfare." 

1892.— "The money of the country should consist of gold, 
silver, and paper, and be issued by the general Government 
only, and in sufficient quantity to meet the demands of busi- 
ness and give full opportunity for the employment of labor. 
To this end an increase in the volume of money is demanded. 
No individual or corporation should be allowed to make any 
profit through its issue. It should be made a legal tender 
for the payment of all debts, public and private. Its volume 
should be fixed at a definite sum per capita, and made to 
increase with our increase in population." 

1892.— "Foreign immigration has become a burden upon in- 
dustry, one of the factors in depressing wages and causing 
discontent; therefore, our immigration laws should be re- 
vised and strictly enforced. The time of residence for natu- 
ralization should be extended, and no naturalized person 
should be allowed to vote until one year after he has become 
a citizen." 

1892!— "Years of inaction and treachery on the part of the 
Republican and Democratic parties have resulted in the 
present reign of mob law, and we demand that every citizen 
be protected in the right of trial by constitutional tribunals," 



Platform Dec arations 39 

1892.— "All men should be protected by law in their right to 
one day of rest in seven." 

1892.— "Arbitration is the wisest and most economical and 
humane method of settling national differences." 

1892.— "Speculations in margins, the cornering of grain, 
money and products, and the formation of pools, trusts, and 
combinations for the arbitrary advancement of prices should 
be suppressed." 

1892.— "We pledge that the Prohibition Party, if elected to 
power, will ever grant just pensions to disabled veterans of 
the Union army and navy, their widows and orphans." 

1892.— "We stand unequivocally for the American public 
school and opposed to any appropriation of public moneys for 
.sectarian .schools. We declare that only by united support 
of such common schools, taught in the English language, 
can we hope to become and remain a homogeneous and har- 
monious people." 

The national convention of 1896 developed a sharp 
conflict between the "broad-gaugers" and the "nar- 
row-gaugers," so-called, which came to a test on the 
currency plank, the "narrow-gangers" winning by a 
vote of 427 to 387. The convention thereupon 
adopted a single issue platform, the concluding para- 
graph being as follows: 

"Resolved, That we favor the legal Prohibition by state and 
national legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale 
of alcoholic beverages. That we declare our purpose to or- 
ganize and unite all the friends of Prohibition into one party, 
and in order to accomplish this end we deem it right to 
leave every Prohibitionist the freedom of his own convictions 
upon all other political questions, and trust our representa- 
tives to take such action upon other political questions as 
the changes occasioned by Prohibition and the welfare of 
the whtfle people shall demand." 

The convention afterwards adopted the following 
as a separate resolution, the vote being almost unani- 
mous : 

"Resolved, The right of suffrage ought not to be abridged 
on account of sex." 

For the complete platform of 1900 see pages 7 to 
14. 



40 



Prohibition Party History. 



•Prohibition Party Votes for President. 

The following table gives the Prohibition party 
vote for President from 1872, when the party had its 
tirst national ticket in the field, to 1896. 



PROHIBITION VOTE FOR PRESIDENT 1872-1896. 



States. 


1872 
Black. 


1876 
Smith. 


1880 

Dow. 


1884 

St. John. 


1888 

Risk. 


1892 

Bidwell 


1896 
LeTering. 


Alabama 






613 


583 

614 

5,761 

2,191 

4,234 

400 

417 

1,808 


239 

113 

8.096 

1,652 

4,026 

564 

561 

988 

288 

25,870 

13,050 

6,340 

4,553 

6,442 


2,147 


Arkansas 








839 


California 






61* 


2,960 

761 

2,305 

64 

72 
168 


2,573 


Colorado 






1,717 


Connecticut.. . 
Delaware 


205 


378 


409 


1,808 
355 


Florida 








1,778 


Georgia 








5,613 










179 


Illinois 




141 

38 

36 

110 

818 


443 

' ' '592 

25 

258 


12,074 
3,028 
1,472 

4,495 
3,139 
328 
2,160 
2,827 
9,923 
18,403 
4,684 


21,695 

9,881 

3,550 

6,779 

5,225 

160 

2,691 

4,767 

8.701 

20.942 

15,316 

218 

4,539 


9,796 


Indiana 




3,056 






3,192 


Kansas 




1,921 


TCpntuckv . . . . 




4,781 








"Maine 






93 

' *682 
942 
286 


3,062 

5,877 

7,539 

20,857 

14,017 

910 

4,298 

549 

4,902 

89 

1,296 

8,131 

38,193 

2,636 

899 

26,012 

2,281 

25,123 

1,654 


1,570 


Marvland 




10 

84 
7t,7 
144 


5,918 


Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 


i,271 


2.9^8 
5,025 
4,348 






485 










2,153 


2,169 






186 


Nebraska 










9,429 
41 
1,594 
7,939 
30,231 
2,787 

24,356 
1,677 

20,947 
1,251 


1,193 








N. Hampshire. 
New Jersey .. . 


200 


43 


18) 
191 


1,570 

6.H3 

24,999 

454 

11,069 
492 

15,283 
928 


779 
5,614 


New York 

North Carolina 
North Dakota. 
Ohio 


201 


16,052 
675 


' 2,100 


i',636 


2,616 


358 
5,068 


Orfisron 


919 


Pennsylvania . 
Rhode Island.. 
South Carolina 


1,630 


1,319 


1,939 
20 


19,274 
1,160 














685 


Tennessee 






43 


1,131 


5,969 


4,856 
2,165 


3,098 








1,786 


TTtfih 










Vermont 








1,752 
138 

' *939 
7,656 


1,460 
1,682 

" 1,0*A 
14,277 


1,424 

2,798 

2,553 

2,145 

13,132 

530 


733 


Virginia 








2,350 










968 


West Virginia. 








1,203 




153 


69 


7,509 






136 










150,626 






Total 


5,607 


9,737 


10,366 


249,945 


270,710 


132,007 



♦These 61 votes cast in California in 1880 were returned as 
"scattering"; but they were mostly, if not all, for Neal Dow. 



Latest Prohibition Vote by States. 



41 



Latest Prohibition Vote by States. 

The fallowing table gives the latest Prohibition 
votes by states, with names of candidates and office, 
and the year in which the election was held: 

LEVERING AND LATEST VOTE COMPARED. 



State. 



California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts . . 

Michigan 

Minnesota... 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New York 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania ... 
Rhode Island — 
South Dakota... 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Wisconsin 



Lever- 


Lat- 


ing. 


est 


1896. 


Vote. 


2,573 


3,341 


1,717 


2,677 


1,808 


1,460 


355 


454 


179 


1,175 


9,796 


11,792 


3,056 


9,961 


3,192 


7,650 


1,921 


4,092 


4,781 


2,346 


1,570 


2,335 


5,918 


5,275 


2,998 


7.402 


5,025 


8,789 


4,348 


5,299 


2,169 


2,933 


1,193 


3.970 


779 


1,333 


5,614 


6,893 


16,052 


18,383 


5.068 


5,825 


919 


4,537 


19,274 


18,072 


1,160 


1,937 


685 


891 


3,098 


2,846 


1,786 


2,437 


733 


1,075 


2,350 


2.743 


7.509 


8,078 



Candidate. Office. Year. 



McComas, Governor 1898 

Rhodes, Governor '98 

Steele, Governor '98 

Hutton, Treasurer '98 

Johnson, Governor '98 

Boles, Treasurer '98 

Worth, Sec. of State .... '98 

Atwood, Governor '99 

Pefler, Governor '98 

Wallace, Governor '99 

Ladd, Governor '98 

Swann, Governor '99 

Coates, Governor '99 

Clark, Judge Su. Court . '99 

Higgins, Governor '98 

Robinson, Jdg. S. Ct . . . . '98 

Regents State Univ '99 

Stevens, Governor '98 

Landon, Governor '98 

Kline, Governor '98 

Hammell, Governor '99 

Bright, Sup. Judge '00 

Caldwell, Treasurer. . . . . '99 

Metcalf , Governor '00 

Lewis, Governor '98 

Turnley, Governor '98 

Bailey, Governor... ' f 8 

Wyman, Governor '98 

Cutler, Governor '97 

Chafin, Governor '99 



This table does not include Alabama, Arkansas, 
Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, 
Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, South Caro- 
lina, Utah, Washington, West Virginia and Wyoming. 
These states polled an aggregate ^ote of 13>52 for 
Levering in 1896, but as in them no> state elections, 
with Prohibition tickets in the field, have since been 
held they are not included in the comparison, 



VII.— WHY A PROHIBITION PARTY? 

There are so many good men who say they are 
opposed to the traffic in intoxicating liquors and who 
claim to believe in the principle of Prohibition who 
excuse themselves from voting the Prohibition ticket, 
on the ground that they do not believe that a sepa- 
rate political party is necessary or feasible for ac- 
complishing the object desired, that a brief discussion 
of other methods of settlement seems desirable. 

It is self evident that the traffic in intoxicating 
liquors cannot be prohibited until a sufficient num- 
ber of voters, set upon establishing that principle as 
a policy in government, will agree upon some basis 
of united action for the accomplishment of that end. 
That it must be a union, in some way, at the ballot 
box is also self evident, as the government can, under 
existing laws, take cognizance of opinions regarding 
matters of governmental policy only as they are ex- 
pressed by the ballot of the citizen. 

Aside from the separate political party method, 
three other possible plans are suggested. They are 
(1) the massing of the advocates of Prohibition in 
one of the dominant political parties and molding 
its policy; (2) the omni-partisan or balance of power 
plan, and (3) the strictly non-partisan or constitu- 
tional amendment method. 

Within which Party can they Unite?. . . 

The first plan suggests itself at once to the con- 
scientious voter who loves his party, but realizes that 
its position upon the question at issue is unsatisfac- 
tory. He thinks that by uniting the good men of the 
country in his particular party to secure the desired 
results and at the same time to save his party from 
that defeat or dissolution which he fears would re- 
sult should he and other "good men" withdraw from 

It. In asking another, of ojDpositc political faith, to 

42 



Why a Prohibition Party? 43 



unite with him in purging his beloved party of its 
uncleanness regarding the liquor traffic he entirely 
overlooks the fact that the good man in the other 
dominant party is equally anxious to save his party 
from the dreaded defeat which might follow his leav- 
ing* it. 

Neither of the numerically great parties of the 
day has ever really put itself on record as favoring the 
principle of Prohibition in any state until after the 
people of the state had adopted it and it had become 
the law. In the South the temperance element is 
largely to be found within the ranks of the Demo- 
cratic party, while in the North the temperance men 
are largely affiliated with the Republican party. 

These things being true, in which party can the 
"temperance men" unite? 

Another insurmountable obstacle to this basis of 
union is found in human nature itself. No believer 
in the principle of Prohibition has a right, while 
giving up nothing himself, to demand that another 
shall give up all his political associations and beliefs 
regarding other public questions, but each has a right 
to demand that the other meet him half way, in a 
new organization founded upon the one dominant 
issue upon which both are agreed. 

The Omni -partisan, or Balance of Power Plan. . . 

This is the plan advocated by the Anti-Saloon 
League and those who urge an independent organiza- 
tion "counter to the liquor dealers in politics," which 
shall not make nominations of its own, but whose 
members shall refuse to vote for objectionable can- 
didates on either old party ticket, but shall vote for 
the candidate who is best disposed toward this re- 
form. 

It is claimed that by this method the liquor dealers 
have been able to terrorize both old parties and 
largely to dictate nominations, and it is urged that 



44 Why a Prohibition Party? 



the temperance voters by a similar plan could ac- 
complish the same results. 

One trouble with this plan is that to succeed there 
must be an organized body of voters who will be 
willing to unite in casting their vote solidly for or 
against certain candidates in accord with the direc- 
tions of their leaders or as determined by a vote 
among themselves. And here again human nature 
crops out to upset the plan. Liquor dealers may 
unite in secret compact, having a great financial in- 
terest involved, and may and do consent to being 
"bossed" by their organization leaders, but the aver- 
age "good man" will not be bound by any such agree- 
ment and will not consent to "dictation." Another 
objection is that such an organization, being made 
up of men from different parties, each man anxious 
that his party shall make acceptable nominations, 
they have attended the primaries and perhaps the 
nominating conventions of their respective parties 
and are already morally bound by their participation 
in such party gatherings to support their party nomi- 
nees. Indeed, in a number of states it is necessary 
for a voter to declare his intention of supporting the 
nominees of the convention before he is allowed to 
vote at the primary. If the temperance voters shall 
refuse to accept their participation in their party 
primaries as binding and shall openly "bolt" im- 
portant nominations by their party, they, by that act, 
close against themselves the doors of future primaries, 
while by the terms of their basis of union they are 
unable to make independent nominations. 

If it is urged that the liquor dealers attend party 
primaries and conventions and do not support their 
party nominees if the same are opposed to the liquor 
interests, it should be remembered that the liquor 
men never openly "bolt" their ticket, but that they 
"knife" their man secretly, the word to do so being 
passed around quietly by the "bosses" in the liquor 
dealers' organization, who have their followers so 



Why a Prohibition Party? 45 

thoroughly in hand that they are implicitly obeyed 
and no questions asked. No outsider knows positively 
who does it. 

It will hardly be suggested that the temperance 
men too should work in secret or that after taking 
part in a party primary or convention they should 
"knife" the nominees of that convention "secretly," 
in order to take part in future conventions. While 
such are the "successful methods" by which the 
liquor dealers, who are not troubled by any com- 
punctions against such methods, win political vic- 
tories, they are not such as can be adopted by re- 
formers, the very suggestion of such a course being 
repulsive to the honest, conscientious and Christian 
voter, who naturally feels that he would sooner sacri- 
fice his party than his honor. 

To work "counter to the liquor dealer in politics" 
is beautiful in theory, but unless one is willing to 
adopt gin mill tactics it offers an absolutely impos- 
sible basis of union, except, perhaps, in some limited 
territory, and even then it should be borne in mind 
that in a real contest of this kind the advantages are 
all with the liquor dealer. He has his "gang" thor- 
oughly in line and does his work secretly, he is un- 
scrupulous, mercenary and deceitful and has no com- 
punctions against "knifing" at the polls a candidate 
whom he helped to nominate, and in addition to all 
these things he is merely trying to keep his party 
from making any change; whereas, the temperance 
man is trying to "reform" his party, which confess- 
edly requires a great deal morel>ower and many more 
votes than to beep it in the same old state of liquor 
domination. 

The Non-partisan, or Constitutional 
Amendment Method. . . 

The non-partisan basis of union suggests the for- 
mation of an organization which shall have nothing to 



46 Why a Prohibition Party? 

do with political parties or the candidates for whom 
the members of the organization shall vote. It is 
pointed out that under this plan no political antagon- 
isms are created, and there is no doubt that this 
method of union is the easiest and quickest possible, 
as the number of voters who would join an organiza- 
tion which does not require them to sever any party 
ties, is much greater than the number willing to join 
a separate political party. 

The trouble with such a union, however, is that 
it has not sufficient power to accomplish its object. 

There are but two ways to secure Prohibition, 
i. e., by direct act of Legislature, with which this 
method, being non-partisan, can have nothing to Ho, 
and by constitutional amendment, followed by en- 
forcing legislation enacted by the Legislature, with 
which latter again this method can have nothing to 
do. 

It is only in the adoption of Prohibition amend- 
ments that the non-partisan method really comes 
into play and even here it is at the mercy of partisan 
Legislatures for the submission of the question to 
popular vote and for the enforcing legislation upon 
which the success of the enactment depends. A con- 
stitutional provision is very rarely, if ever, self- 
enforcing, and it is due to the fact that corrupt 
officials, in Prohibition states, cannot be punished by 
the non-partisan method that they are so faithless 
in looking after the execution of the law. The very 
argument that the Prohibition law in Maine and 
other states is not properly enforced is itself suf- 
ficient to show the insufficiency of this method. The 
order of procedure in securing a constitutional amend- 
ment is as follows: 

1. The Legislature (which is partisan) votes to submit 
the proposed amendment to a vote of the people. 

2. The voters cast their ballots for or against the propo- 
sition (under the non-partisan plan). 

3. If the amendment is carried the (partisan) Legislature 
Is supposed to enact the necessary laws for its enforcement. 



Why a Prohibition Party? 4? 

Even after the Legislature has voted to submit 
an amendment it often happens that the influence of 
the party managers are thrown solidly against its 
being carried, as was the case in Pennsylvania when 
the Republican and Democratic party workers openly 
joined hands for the defeat of constitutional Prohi- 
bition. In New York a few years ago the Legislature 
(largely Republican) voted to submit a constitutional 
amendment to popular vote and then considerately 
failed to make the necessary appropriation to pro- 
vide for the expense of the election and thus the 
matter went by default, the friends of the non-parti- 
san method being entirely at the mercy of the Legis- 
lature. In Nebraska the Democrats led by William J. 
Bryan, made a most bitter fight against the proposed 
amendment. 

If the Legislature does not wish to submit the 
amendment, the advocates of the non-partisan plan 
are powerless, as under their basis of union they 
have no right to go into politics and contest the elec- 
tion of legislators. If the amendment passes, the mat- 
ter of enacting laws for its enforcement is at the 
mercy of a partisan Legislature, and even if the 
people are not betrayed and the law is duly passed, 
its execution still remains in the hands of partisan 
officials who have before them no fear of the non- 
partisan agitators, who are pledged not to go into 
politics. 

Being thus forced to conclude that the other 
methods suggested for the overthrow of the liquor 
traffic are inadequate for the accomplishment of that 
end, it must follow that the separate political party 
plan offers not only the most acceptable basis ot* 
union, but the only practical plan for the enforcement 
of the law after it has been secured. Thus is an- 
swered the question, Why a Prohibition party? 



VIII.-ATTITUDE OF OTHER PARTIES 
TOWARDS PROHIBITION. 

The National Republican party at its convention 
in Philadelphia June 0, 1872, inserted in its plat- 
form the following Raster resolution: 

"The Republican party propose to respect the rights re- 
served by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers 
delegated by^hem to the state and federal government. It 
disapproves or the resort to unconstitutional laws for the 
purpose of removing evils by interfering with the rights not 
surrendered by the people to either the state or national 
government." 

Mr. Herman Raster, the author of the resolution, 
explains its meaning thus: 

"The sixteenth resolution of the Philadelphia platform wa3 
adopted by the platform committee with the full and ex- 
plicit understanding that its purpose was the discountenanc- 
ing of all so-called temperance (prohibitory) and Sunday 
laws." 

As a national organization the party has not ma- 
terially changed the position that it took in 1872. Its 
platforms in 1876, 1880 and 1884 contain no words 
that could be construed as repudiating the Raster 
resolution. At the national convention of 1884 a 
formal plea was made before the committee on plat- 
forms by Miss Frances E. Willard, who asked, not 
for a radical declaration, but for a sympathetic one. 
The only response that the platform gave was a dec- 
laration that: 

"The Republicans of the United States in national con- 
vention assembled renew their allegiance to the principles 
upon 'which they have triumphed in six presidential elec- 
tions." 

The platform of 1888 embraced these words: 

"We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to . . . the au- 
tonomy reserved to the states under the Constitution; to the 
personal rights and liberties of the citizens in all the states 
and territories in the Union." 

Just before the adjournment of the convention the 

48 



ATTITUDE OF THE REPUBLICAN PART*. 49 



following resolution presented by C. A Boutelle was 
passed: 

"The first concern of all good government is the virtue and 
sobriety of the people and the purity of the home. The Re- 
publican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well- 
directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and mo- 
rality." 

This was not a part of the party platform, but was 
a resolution adopted -June 25, four days after the 
adoption of the platform. Commenting on this res- 
olution Bonfort's Wine & Spirit Circular, July 10, 
1888, said: 

"And pray, who withholds indorsement from such propo- 
sitions as these? In behalf of the wine and spirit trade, we 
hereby accord this declaration our unreserved approval. The 
man who would do otherwise would be very apt to contend 
that two and two do not make four." 

The Cincinnati Commercial Gazette [Republican] 
of July IT, 1888, said: 

"The Boutelle resolution was a simple piece of senti- 
mentalism, equally harmless and unnecessary. If it had 
meant anything it would not have passed." 

In its national convention at Minneapolis June 9, 
1892, the Republican party put itself on record by 
adopting the following, as a part of the platform: 

"We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to 
lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote 
morality." 

At its convention held at St. Louis June 18, 1896, 
the same resolution was adopted. The following 
comment on this attitude appeared in the Wine & 
Spirit Gazette of New York, June 28, 1892: 

"The temperance plank in the Republican platform adopted 
at Minneapolis reads as follows: 'We sympathize with all 
wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils 
of intemperance and promote morality.' So do we, and so 
do all decent, honest liquor-dealers who have a proper appre- 
ciation of the true meaning of their business. The traffic in 
intoxicating liquors can be justiiied only in so far as it is 
carried on, not with a view of making drunkards, but of 
supplying a craving in the human appetite which if gratified 
with moderation contributes to the well being of many 
without in any way interfering with the personal rights and 
comforts of others. The temperance plank in the Repub- 



50 Attitude or the Other Parties. 

lican platform might have been adopted with perfect pro- 
priety by any liquor dealers' association. It meets the ap- 
proval of the trade. If our temperance reformers doubt the 
accuracy of our statement, let them canvass the liquor 
dealers. They will learn that 99 out of every 100 of them 
are heartily in favor of every wise and legitimate effort to 
lessen the evils of intemperance and promote morality." 

In its platform of 1900 no reference to the ques- 
tions of temperance or Prohibition was made. 

The Democratic Position Defined. . . 

The Democratic Party in National Convention at 
Chicago, June 23, 1892, declared as follows: 

"We are opposed to all sumptuary laws, as an interference 
with the individual rights of the citizen. " 

On this Mida's Criterion, of Chicago, a liquor pa- 
per, says: 

"The great political parties have tackled the liquor prob- 
lem in their platforms in so terse a manner that the voter 
can see at once where they stand. The Republicans take 
a negative position, the Democrats a positive. The Repub- 
licans sympathize with the efforts to put down intemper- 
ance, the Democrats boldly denounce sumptuary legislation. 
Each party is instinctively true to its basic principles." 

Prohibition Considered Secondary by Populists. . 

The People's Party adopted the following at its 
National Convention held in Omaha, July 4, 1892: 

"While our sympathies, as a party of reform, are naturally 
upon the side of every proposition which will tend to make 
men intelligent, virtuous, and temperate, we nevertheless 
regard these questions— important as they are— as secondary 
to the great issues now pressing for a solution, and upon 
which, not only our individual prosperity, but the very ex- 
istence of free institutions depend." 

In 1896, at Chicago, the Democrats reaffirmed their 
former declarations and in 1900 they reaffirmed the 
"Chicago platform." Neither the Populists or Demo- 
crats have made any specific reference to the ques- 
tions of temperance and Prohibition since 1892. 



IX.-THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL 
CONVENTION. 

The following is in substance the report of a spe- 
cial representative of The New Voice, who was sent 
to Philadelphia to study the morals of the Repub- 
lican national convention, which nominated McKin- 
ley and Roosevelt. 

Philadelphia, Pa., June 21, 1900.— The national convention 
of the Republican party, which closes its sessions to-day, is 
a fitting sequel to that other convention of the party, held 
in this city in 1872. It will be remembered that in the con- 
vention of 1872, the famous Raster resolution was adopted, 
opposing all temperance, Prohibition and Sabbath legisla- 
tion. The convention which has been in session this week is 
evidence that the opinions of the leaders of th3 party have 
not changed on this subject since twenty-eight years ago. 
The party has never by platform utterance receded from the 
position on this question that it assumed on that occasion, 
however much it may have twisted and turned on the tariff, 
or the currency question. Their platform this year was 
adopted without any enthusiasm, and is absolutely silent as 
to any specific reference to any phase of the Prohibition re- 
form; while the personal deportment of a large part of the 
delegates and visitors present would indicate that the repre- 
sentatives of the party have no longer even "cordial sym- 
pathy" with "ejfforts to promote temperance and morality." 

To enter into the close details attendant upon the con- 
vention would be to describe the lapse into sin and shame 
of thousands of human beings. 

Practically the delegations from ail the states were on the 
scene Saturday or before, and the preparations for spending 
Sunday in a city where the saloons are said to be tightly 
closed on the first day of the week would form an interest- 
ing chapter all by itself. The Philadelphia North American 
describes crowds at the Hotel Walton, which has been the 
headquarters of the Republican national committee and of 
the New York and Ohio delegations, as "lined up at the 
bar six deep" purchasing supplies of wet goods to. make 
these statesmen "spirituously" inclined on Sunday. It had 
two barrooms in constant operation and I frequently saw 
the crowd lined up at the bar three and four deep. 

At Patterson's cafe, separated from the Walton onlv by 

' 51 



52 The Republican National Convention. 



Locust street, there was always an immense patronage. 
Shortly after 10 o'clock Tuesday morning I counted twenty- 
five women at the tables in the rear room, with escorts, 
drinking. There was also much drinking going on in the 
rooms upstairs, where the Penrose Republican club has its 
headquarters. At 1:40 a. m. I counted more than ninety 
men in the barroom clamoring for drinks or cheering for 
some politician. Ten empty beer kegs— half-barrel size- 
adorned one side of the room. One man, a member of a vis- 
iting club, with his campaign hat crownless, stood upon the 
beer kegs and poured a glass of beer with unsteady hand 
into the face and open mouth of another inebriated visitor 
who stood on the floor to receive it. It was regarded as a 
great joke by the crowd of onlookers. An hour later— at 
2:40 in the morning— I returned to the place and found sixty 
men at the bar or the tables. An officer was stationed in a 
rear hallway to protect the place against violent outbreaks. 
Many of the saloons kept open all night during the conven 
tion. 

A Baker's Dozen of Bar Tenders. . . 

Hotel Lafayette is another prominent hostelry and the 
headquarters of a large number of state delegations. Its bar- 
room is unusually large, yet there was scarcely a time during 
the convention, but that it was packed with thirsty states- 
men. There were at times thirteen bartenders desperately 
busy serving the impatient multitude. At 1:50 Tuesday 
morning I counted more than one hundred men lined up at 
the bar four and five deep. Many of them, as at other places 
that I visited,, wore delegates' and alternates' badges. 

At this hotel, on Saturday, placaids were posted giving 
warning that the barroom would be closed on Sunday. Here 
are a few sample signs: 

"TO-MORROW WILL BE SUNDAY. 

A timely hint, lest you forget, 
Though it rain to-morrow, it will not be wet; 
So whatever your choice, wine, beer or rye, 
Arrange to-night for your Sunday supply." 

"The line of communication with this base of supply will 
be cut at twelve o'clock to-night. To-morrow will be Sun- 
day." 

"Thou art so near and yet so far, 
Will be the sigh of the thirst-racked man to-morrow; 

Yet an order to-day across the bar 
Will provide against all that Sunday sorrow." 



"The Period of Sighs and Sorrows Begins at 12 (midnight)." 

"We don't sell wines or liquors on Sunday. But we have 
no selfish desire to keep them in stock until Monday." 



The Republican National. Convention. 53 



The California delegation brought a carload of wine from 
the Pacific slope, and on Sunday the Colonade was thronged 
with delegates and visitors from other states, who came 
to partake of the gold hunters' boundless hospitality. Liquors 
were freely served to all comers in open violation of the law. 
One of the daily papers, commenting upon the drinking and 
"patriotism" at the headquarters of the California crowd, 
says that, "the products of her vineyards in baskets, with 
RED, WHITE AND BLUE covers, were simply inexhaust- 
ible in the Colonade, where the Californi?ns live." 

State delegations were also entertained at the Continental 
and Bingham hotels. At each of them men wearing the 
badges of delegates mingled freely with the crowds that 
thronged the barrooms. Indeed, investigation showed that 
such was the case at nearly all of the more prominent re- 
sorts on Broad street, as well as at the hotels where head- 
quarters were located. 

I have described thus far only scenes such as any man 
might have witnessed if he had his eyes open and which 
have been variously described in the Philadelphia papers in 
a general way. I have not mentioned the numerous club 
houses which were always thronged, day and night, with 
club members and their friends, who stored away a large 
amount of wet goods. Neither have I referred to the drink- 
ing in the private rooms, and at the hotel tables, which was 
a common affair. I have said little about the drinking and 
carousing in the upper room's over saloons, although it ex- 
isted, participated in by throngs of men and women. I could 
fill The New Voicexwith descriptions of what was done in 
these places. 

Scarlet Women Much in Evidence. . . 

The saloons and hotels were not the only meaas of de- 
bauchery afforded at the big convention. On every side 
the "scarlet woman" was in evidence. She haunted the 
streets in every direction. Her criminal traffic was openly 
flaunted, and she found a ready, even eager, patronage. She 
stood on the street corners; she mingled with the crowds 
around the hotels; she rode bicycles in a suspiciously scanty 
attire. She was multitudinous— her name was legion. She 
plied her arts principally at night, though a number of times 
I saw illicit alliances contracted in the open day. After 
nightfall it was almost impossible for a man to walk the 
streets without being approached by some "painted 
charmer." 

The houses of ill-fame were as liberally patronized as 
were the women of the street. It was a common scene to 



54 The Republican National Convention. 

see two, three, four or more carriages standing in front of 
these resorts. 

Scenes in the "Tenderloin". . . 

Last night I visited Philadelphia's "Tenderloin District," 
and found that the delegates had early learned of its loca- 
tion. I saw one man wearing the big sunflower badge of 
the Kansas delegation, escorting a woman on either arm 
along the street to one of the resorts in this district. There 
are streets where every house is a house of infamy, and there 
was no lack of patronage for them last night. "McKiniey 
prosperity" and political pulls having provided the delegates 
with plenty of money and the Philadelphia saloons having 
sold them liquor to steal away their brains they were easy 
"marks" for her whose guests are in the depths of hell. 

Why the Chairman Had Trouble. . . 

The big exposition hall in which the convention was held 
was nearly a half mile from the nearest saloon. This in- 
sured good order the first day, at least. On the second day, 
however, many took bottles in their pockets, which may 
have accounted for the fact that the chairman was almost 
entirely unable to control the convention and maintain order 
and probably accounted for two serious altercations which 
occurred Wednesday, between delegates, in one of which a 
knife ;vas drawn, though the men were separated before 
they came to anything more serious than fist blows. 

Perhaps President McKiniey is not personally responsible 
for the scenes of debauchery that were enacted at the Re- 
publican national convention; but the party which chooses 
such men for its representatives, and which is led— not to 
say "bossed"— by men of such character, is not worthy of 
the confidence or support of intelligent men, who must con- 
tinue to regard their suffrage rights with some degree of 
conscientiousness. 



X.-THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL 
CONVENTION. 

The following report of the Kansas City conven- 
tion is by a staff correspondent of The New Voice: 

Kansas City, Mo., July 6, 1900.— Two weeks ago the rep- 
resentatives of the Republican party, once yclept the grand 
old party, met at Philadelphia and nominated William 
McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt; last week the Prohi- 
bitionists at Chicago named John G.'Woolley and Henry B. 
Metcalf, and the "unterrified and unwashed Democracy" 
has here just chosen, or been forced to accept, as its stand- 
ard bearers, William J. Bryan and Adlai E. Stevenson. 

Readers of The New Voice are familiar with the disgraceful 
orgies attendant upon Mr. McKinley 4 s nomination; they 
have been told how the meaningless, but sometime effective, 
"cordial sympathy" resolution of former Republican gath- 
erings was eliminated from the declarations of the Philadel- 
phia convention; they have been made acquainted with the 
way in which the Sunday law of the Quaker City was vio- 
lated in order that the thirst of the assembled Republicans 
might be quenched; they know that the Hotel Walton, the 
headquarters of the Republican national committee and of 
the delegations from both McKinley's and Roosevelt's home 
states, maintained two barrooms, in constant operation, the 
crowd being frequently lined up three and four deep at the 
bar; they knew that until the "we sma' hours," the dozens 
of bartenders at the leading hotels and in the saloons in 
the center of the city were kept desperately busy serving the 
impatient crowds; they know that the scarlet woman was 
very much in evidence and that the scenes in the tenderloin 
district, where Republican delegates, alternates, and vis- 
itors thronged the houses of prostitution, were so disgrace- 
ful as to prove the party unworthy of the support of any 
moral citizen. 

Democats and Republicans Alike. . . 

And was there any material difference between the con- 
vention of the Republicans at Philadelphia and the Demo- 
crats at Kansas City? Alas, no. 

Had the cries of "Hill" been changed to calls for "Teddy," 
and could Kansas City's hills and hollows have been ex- 
changed for Philadelphia's broad and well-paved thorough- 

55 



56 The Democratic National Convention. 

fares, it would have been almost impossible to have de- 
termined which was the Democratic and which the Re- 
publican gathering. 

Both were dominated by the party bosses and the plat- 
forms- of both were alike remarkable for the things they 
failed to say. 

I came here two days ago for the express purpose of learn- 
ing the facts about the debauchery and drunkenness attend- 
ing the Democratic convention. 

After a careful investigation I am prepared to assert and 
maintain that so far as drunkenness at their conventions is 
concerned, the two parties are as near alike as twin peas. 

I have visited the headquarters of the various state dele- 
gations, the headquarters of the national Democratic com- 
mittee, the principal saloons and resorts of the city and on 
every hand I found drinking and drunken men and occasion- 
ally drunken women also. The three big hotels, the Midlaud, 
Coates and Baltimore, were the principal rendezvous of the 
alleged disciples of Jefferson, and in each of them an 
extra force of bartenders was employed, in order that the 
characteristic Democratic thirst might not go unslaked. 

Sixteen Bar Tenders at the Baltimore. . . 

The Baltimore was headquarters for the Alabama, Alaska, 
Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, 
Michigan, Missouri, Pennsylvania, Utah and New England 
delegations, and at no time when I visited its barroom, 
which is in the basement, and I was there at nearly all 
hours of the day and night, did 1 find less than sixteen bar- 
tenders on duty, while the crowd, even when the conven- 
tion was in session, was usually lined up four and five 
deep clamoring for drinks. 

In this hotel barroom at 1:15 o'clock Thursday morning, I 
saw members of the "Bryan Guards" so drunk they could 
not spit their filthy tobacco juice over their stubbly chins, 
the ooze and slime running out of the corners of their 
mouths as they talked about "16 to 1" and nominating "Tam- 
many" for second place on the presidential ticket. 

The Midland was headquarters for the Arkansas, Arizona, 
Montana, Wisconsin, Maryland, New York and Wyoming 
delegations, and for the "Cook County Democracy." Here 
nineteen bartenders were constantly on duty, nearly fifty 
extra barkeepers having been imported from Chicago, St. 
Louis and other cities so that no thirsty visitor should 
lack accommodation. 

Tammany's Travelling Grog Shop. . . 

Tammany headquarters were on the second floor and when 



The Democratic National Convention. 57 

I showed to the "brave" in charge of the generous supply 
of liquid refreshments in the "private room," the story 
printed by some of the Repubican papers, to the effect that 
the route of Tammany's special convention trains was 
strewn with empty bottles, that worthy admitted the "soft 
Impeachment" and said that the following list of liquid 
supplies for the trip of the Tammany crowd was substan- 
tially correct: 

2 dozen cases of Scotch whisky. 

2 dozen cases assorted brandies. 

2 dozen cases American rye. 

3 dozen cases assorted cocktails. 

2 dozen cases Moselle and Rhine wines. 

10,000 bottles of beer. 

500 bottles of ale. 

1,000 quart bottles of champagne. 

1,000 pint bottles of champagne. 

But let no one imagine that the Tammany crowd was worse 
than the rest, for, as a matter of fact, I saw fewer drunk 
men, wearing "Tammany" badges, than of almost any other 
aggregation. 

At half past three o'clock yesterday morning nearly a 
hundred men were drinking in the barroom of the Midland, 
while a few of the more "oratorically" inclined were shout- 
ing the respective merits and demerits of Hill or Towne 
from the tops of tables in the center of the room. Not in- 
frequently the speakers were entirely deserted by the crowd 
turning to the bar for drinks, leaving the spellbinders, some- 
times two on one table, to indulge in "heart-to-heart" talks, 
while waiting for further attention. The assistant cashier 
was casting up the bar receipts for the day and told me 
that, while he would not like to have it published, I could 
mark it down that they were takiDg in not less than $2,000 
a day aside from the amount sold in quantities and served in 
the headquarters and rooms of the various delegations. He 
complained that the hotel was losing bar trade on account 
of the large supplies of liquor that some of the delegations 
had brought with them and my personal observation con- 
firms his statement that nearly every headquarters was 
practically a barroom. 

Big Bar Trade at Coates House. . . 

The Coates house was headquarters for nearly all of the 
remaining state delegations and in its large billiard and 
pool room the tables had been put aside and extra bars 
erected, while more than a dozen bartenders were con- 
stantly engaged in an endeavor to satisfy the desires of the 
thirsty crowd that throDged the place. The clerks behind 



58 The Democratic National Convention. 

each bar kept the automatic cash registers clicking like the 
keys of a typewriter. 

In the rooms occupied by the different state delegations 
liquors were freely served and at half past two yesterday 
morning there were more than a dozen drunken men asleep 
on benches or seats and on the tables that occupied one 
side of the main barroom. 

The cashier at the main bar informed me that their re- 
ceipts for cigars and drinks would average between $1,800 
and $2,000 a day during the convention. 

Two Bars at National Headquarters. . . 

The headquarters of the Democratic national committee 
were at the Kansas City Club rooms, corner of Wyandotte 
and Twelfth streets, only one block from the convention 
hall, and here two bars were in constant operation. The 
larger barroom was on the ground floor and here not less 
than five men were employed Avhile the "Summer Garden 
Bar" ou the floor above required three bartenders and five 
waiters who delivered drinks to customers at the tables, 
aside from' a cashier who occupied a raised platform and did 
nothing but handle the coin. He would not give me any 
figures as to the receipts for drinks but from one of the 
waiters I learned that nearly, if not quite, a thousand dol- 
lars a day would be the average receipts. 

"You see," said this waiter, "we are getting fancy prices 
for the drinks we sell here, because it is the national head- 
quarters." 

At all of the saloons and hotels coin-in-the-slot gambling 
machines were in operation, not only in the barrooms and 
low dives, but in the very offices of the leading hotels, and 
the scarlet woman made bold to solicit patrons in front of 
the principal headquarters. 

I was in the convention hall when the anti-iinperialistic- 
free-silver-16-to-l platform was adopted and noted that no 
word was spoken in condemnation of government by nulli- 
fication or the imperial expansion of the liquor traffic. I 
noticed, too, that before the cheering after the nomination 
for Bryan was completed, literally hundreds of delegates and 
visitors, including the Omaha marching club, unable longer 
to control their enthusiasm, left the hall, and, with one ac- 
cord, sought the nearest drinking place. 

The Responsibility Placed. . . 

Now the attention of the conscientious, moral-loving voter 
is respectfully called to the fact that the drinking and de- 
bauchery which are the concomitants of Democratic and 
Republican national conventions are not confineet to Tam- 



The Democratic National Convention. 59 



many tigers or representatives of the Cook County Democ- 
racy, but are indulged by delegates ana leaders outside 
these organizations, whose influence is, and has been, po- 
tential in determining party policies; to the fact that parties 
which disgrace themselves by such scenes as were wit- 
nessed in Philadelphia and Kansas City are not entitled 
to the vote of any conscientious, not to say Christian, man; 
to the fact that though Mr. McKinley and Mr. Bryan may 
not be personally responsible for these disgraceful orgies, 
yet the Christian voters of the country, and the other 
voters who consider themselves as good or better than any 
Christian, are responsible for their quadrennial repetition, 
if, by their ballots, they shall support the nominees selected 
by these conventions. 

Attention is also called to the fact that the Prohibition 
party conventions are never accompanied by drunkenness 
or exhibitions of moral filth, and that while Mr. Bryan 
may pose as the candidate of the poor man, and Mr. McKin- 
ley be accepted as the nominee of the trusts, Mr. Woolley 
stands as the sole representative of the honest, conscientious 
voter, who wants his ballot to count for the elevation of 
mankind and the betterment of the race. 



XL-PRESIDENT McKINLEYS ATTITUDE. 

In early life William McKinley, now President of 
the United States was a total abstainer and an ad- 
vocate of Prohibition. In 1874, in an address to the 
voters of Stark county, Ohio, he said: 

"By legalizing this traffic we agree to share with the 
liquor-seller the responsibilities and evils of his business. 
Every man who votes fop license becomes of necessity a 
partner to the liquor traffic and all its consequences." 

During the campaign of 1896 it was shown that Mr. 
McKinley had not only ceased to be a Prohibition 
advocate, but that he was receiving rentals from 
property belonging to his wife, at 908-912 S. Market 
street, Canton, Ohio, upon which a retail liquor sa- 
loon had been located since 1887, Mr. McKinley hav- 
having renewed the lease, with the Reymann Brew- 
ing Co. in 1893. The law of Ohio is such that the 
alleged lease of the property could have been ter- 
minated at any time by the McKinieys. [For resume 
of the entire story see The New Voice of Jan. 25, 
1900.] Early in February, 1898, the saloon was va 
cated. Mrs. McKinley and her family also owned a 
controlling interest in the opera house property on 
East Eighth street, in which a saloon is located. 

October, 28, 1898, the New York Journal, under the 
caption "President McKinley drinks the health of 
the Clover Club," said: 

The chief magistrate of the nation was a guest of the club 
at a banquet, after the peace jubilee parade at Philadelphia 
last night. He proposed a toast, and, reaching for his glass 
of wine, found that it was unfilled. "I don't see anything 
to drink," he said. "This is the first time I ever knew in the 
history of the Clover Club that there was nothing intoxicat- 
ing set before the guests." A dozen men sprang up, his 
glass was filled, and, much to their surprise, he unhesitat- 
ingly drank the health of the club. 

The article was illustrated with a sectional view 
of the banquet hall, showing Mr. McKinley and oth- 

60 



President McKinley's Attitude, 6i 

ers with glasses raised. The Philadelphia Press re- 
ferred to the President's drinking at the banquet at- 
tending the festivities of the G. A. R. reunion in that 
city. No denials of these statements have ever been 
made. 

In its issue of October 12, 1899, The New Voice, 

on the personal observation of two of its editors who 
were present, asserted that Mr. McKinley, # at the 
Auditorium banquet, in Chicago, October 9, "allowed 
his glass to be filled time after time, from the bottle 
of the waiters, who, according to the menu card, 
were distributing 'sauterne,' 'sherry,' 'claret/ 'cham- 
pagne,' and 'liquors,' he, meantime, emptying it as 
often." Commenting upon this the Chicago Tribune 
(Republican) in its issue of Nov. 2, 1899, said: 

"There is no reason to doubt that on that occasion the 
President did drink some wine with the distinguished gentle- 
men mentioned. They would have thought it strange had he 
not done so." 

March 1, 1900, The New Voice printed the report 
of an investigation made by a staff correspondent 
with regard to the President's drinking at Milwaukee 
on October 16, 1899. Briefly stated, it showed that, 
after careful investigation, a number of leading 
Methodist clergymen, including the Rev. David C. 
John, D. D., presiding elder of the Milwaukee dis- 
trict, the Rev. George H. Trevor, D. D., of the Wash- 
ington Avenue church, and the Rev. C. P. Masden, 
D. D., of the Grand Avenue church, had united in 
a letter to the President, protesting against his use 
of wine at public banquets. The letter, iii addition, 
protested against Mr. McKinley's attitude regarding 
the army canteen and said: 

"We have a hard enough fight against the liquor traffic 
all the time, without having to face the additional influence 
of a Methodist President, who comes to our city and at a* 
pubic banquet drinks every kind of wine on the menu." 

The information upon which this action was taken 
was secured from Governor Schofield, who sat next 
to President McKinley at the banquet, and has never 
been denied. Indeed the Rev. Chas. S. Lester (an 



62 President McKinley 's Attitude. 

Episcopalian rector), who sat next to Gov. Schofield, 
when askjed by a New Voice representative if 
he cared to deny the statement that the President 
drank every kind of wine that was served, declared 
that "It's nothing to be ashamed of and it's nobody's 
business." 

The Milwaukee Daily News (Independent) of 
March 2, 1900, reprinted The New Voice report in 
full, under the heading "Milwaukee Methodist Min- 
isters Pour Hot Shot Into McKinley," and says: 

NO DENIAL BY MINISTERS. 

Milwaukee Methodist ministers are reticent regarding the 
"round robin" sent to President McKinley in regard to 
the use of wines at banquets. Several of the more promi- 
nent pastors were seen to-day, but nearly all refused to 
speak on the subject, though none denied the correctness of 
the story substantially as printed in The New Voice. The 
Rev. G. H. Trevor, secretary of the local association, said: 
"I have nothing to say." He would not, however, deny the 
story. 

In its next issue the same paper said: 

The action was not taken by the ministers as an associa- 
tion, but individually, and only the pastors of English con- 
gregations would consent to sign the letter which contained 
the names of a large majority of the Methodist ministers 
of the city. 

The meeting, at which the first action was taken with 
reference to the President's conduct at the Milwaukee ban- 
quet, was held in January. It was then that the committee, 
with Dr. George H. Trevor, of the Washington Avenue 
M. E. church, as chairman, was appointed to make an in- 
vestigation. At the next meeting the committee reported 
that it had the authority of Gov. Schofield for the statement 
that President McKinley had partaken of many kinds of 
wine at the banquet at the Pfister, and they had a type- 
written letter which they asked the ministers to sign that 
it might be forwarded to Washington. 

Editorially, in the same issue, the News said: 

Mr. McKinley' s high station brings prominently before the 
public his private life. His failure to live up to the de- 
mands of his church naturally brings it in discredit in the 
public mind. At political banquets Mr. McKinley, Meth- 
odist, drinks wine, thereby violating his obligations to his 
church and bringing* it in public contempt. 

At Peoria, 111., Mr. McKinley was the guest of Jo- 



President McKinley's Attitude. 63 

seph B. Greenhut, formerly president of the "Cattle- 
Feeders' Association," generally and commonly 
known as the "whisky trust," who spent $20,000 
in the entertainment of the President and his friends. 
His attitude on the army saloon question is given on 
page (37 under "The Army Canteen." 



A Vice -Presidential Attitude. 

"Now that I am governor, I would like to see things 
different. I would like to make it possible for the 
Germans of New York City to get their beer at stated 
hours on Sunday. ... 1 believe it is only just. 
I do not like to see liquor drank to excess, but I am 
not a teetotaler. In fact, I feel very contented after 
taking a drink, and I feel that it is no more than 
right that beer drinkers should be given an oppor- 
tunity to get it on Sundays."— Governor Theodore 
Roosevelt of New York, now Republican candidate 
for Vice-President, in an interview in the Brooklyn 
Times, (Republican), 



XIL-BRYAN'S ATTITUDE. 

It having been proven so conclusively that had any 
liquor dealer been elected President of the United 
States four years ago, he could not have done more 
for the liquor business than has President McKinley, 
it is very important that Mr. Bryan's record on the 
temperance and Prohibition questions should also be 
kept in view, lest some shall be tempted to choose 
what they may deem the lesser of two likely evils 
and because of disgust at McKinley's subserviency 
to the liquor interests shall vote for Bryan, from 
whom, if elected, they have absolutely nothing to 
hope. 

Since his nomination for President in 189G Mr. 
Bryan has been very guarded in his utterances on 
the liquor question, but in 1890, when the Prohibition 
amendment in his own state, Nebraska, was pending, 
he told a representative of The Voice, in so many 
words, that he was "opposed to all that sort of legis- 
lation." The Omaha World-Herald, the paper of 
which Mr. Bryan was at a later time editor, reported 
a campaign speech of Mr. Bryan's, made at Lincoln, 
Neb., October 13, 1890, as follows: 

There is one question, however, which is now before the 
people of the state upon which onr party has seen fit to 
take position. In our platform we have declared that we 
do not believe that the social habits of the people are proper 
subjects for constitutional provision and have expressed 
our preference for the present high-license law rather than 
the Prohibition amendment which has been proposed. 

October 15, 1890, speaking in the Grand Opera 
House at Omaha, he referred to the proposed Pro- 
hibition amendment as "the dark cloud of Prohibi- 
tion" and as reported in the World-Herald the next 
day said: 

I endorse the position of the Democratic party when it 
says that the constitution is not the place to bring in the 

64 



Bryan's Attitude. 



personal and domestic arrangements of the people. 

Editorially the same paper said, October 27, 1890: 
MR. BRYAN . . . HAS MADE AN ANTI-PROHIBI- 
TION ARGUMENT IN ALL HIS SPEECHES ALMOST 
WITHOUT EXCEPTION WHEREVER DELIVERED. 
BRYAN HAS PROBABLY MADE NO LESS THAN 45 
ANTI-PROHIBITION ARGUMENTS. HE HAS MADE ATI 
LEAST THREE IN EVERY COUNTY IN HIS DISTRICT. 
He does not confine these speeches to Omaha as Connell 
does. The people of Omaha who oppose Prohibition will 
probably be able to see through Mr. Council's methods. 
They will probably be able to appreciate Mr. Bryan's ser- 
vices, who makes anti-Prohibition speeches where they do 
some good. 

Although Mr. Bryan has been popularly supposed 
to be a total abstainer, though opposed to the prin- 
ciple of Prohibition, the following from a staff cor- 
respondent of the Chicago Record, at Omaha, Neb., 
published July 14, 1900, would seem to indicate that 
even this supposition is incorrect. The Record says: 

That Mr. Bryan leads an abstemious life and eats frugal 
fare is easily evident from his clear eyes and complexion. 
He is a man of small appetite and simple tastes, neither a 
glutton nor a wine bibber, although not a teetotaler either 
in theory or practice. He never uses wine or beer on his 
table, although he sometimes drinks both when offered 
him at the tables of others; but he keeps a bottle of whisky 
—or rather Mrs. Bryan does— on the top shelf of the pantry, 
not for convivial, but medicinal purposes. This bottle has 
been called for at times to revive the drooping strength and 
spirits of the statesmen from Arkansas, Missouri, Kentucky 
and other states, but is never produced until called for. 

As late as July 17, 1900, he wrote Mr. Louis Schade, 
editor of the Washington Sentinel, a liquor paper 
published at the national capital, who editorially 
boasts that he suggested to the War Department a 
construction of the anti-canteen lav* 7 , which to quote 
his own words "opened a way for the Attorney-Gen- 
eral to invalidate a thoughtless act of Congress,'' 
congratulating him "upon the excellent work the Sen- 
tinel is doing." 

On June 10, 1900, Mr. Bryan also wrote to the 
Liquor Trades Review of New York assuring that 



66 Bryan's Attitude. 

paper that he looks upon the proposition to abolish 
the war tax on liquors as "only meeting a just de- 
mand." Both these liquor papers print Mr. Bryan's 
letters as an endorsement of their anti-Prohibition 
agitation and attitude. 



When the Saloon Will Go Out of Politics. 

The following is from the closing speech of Senator 
Chas. Schweickardt, in a debate in April, 1893, upon 
a bill introduced by him in the Missouri senate, which 
provided that where a license had been granted to 
any person to sell intoxicating liquors, the license 
should be perpetual until the person died or had been 
convicted of some crime. He said: 

"Senators have said upon the floor to-day in this debate 
that they would like to see the saloon out of politics. So 
would I; and I will tell the senators when it will go oat 
of politics: When every law restricting the liquor traffic 
is repealed; when you cease by legislation to discriminate 
against my business and to cripple it; when we can open 
our saloon on Sunday and run it as we could any other day 
of the week; when our business is placed upon the same 
footing and upon the same plane with every other legitimate 
business 1 — then, and not until then, will the saloon go out 
of politics. We shall fight you until this is accomplished. 
And in the end you will surrender." 

Mr. Schweickardt is the proprietor of several sa- 
loons in St. Louis; was a delegate to the last Repub- 
lican national convention. His bill was defeated in 
the house by a majority of 30. It passed the senate 
23 to 10. 



XIIL-THE ARMY CANTEEN.* 

The army canteen is the name by which the saloon 
part of the post exchange system of the United States 
army is known. It originated during the latter part 
of President Cleveland's first term, and has existed 
ever since by virtue of a general order of the War De- 
partment. No law authorizing its existence was ever 
passed. The post exchange is the general name ap- 
plied to the co-operative store, restaurant, reading and 
recreation rooms, saloon, etc. The "canteen" is merely 
the name of the SALOON department of the ex- 
change. The canteen differs in no essential particu- 
lar from a saloon; it sells intoxicating liquors; sells 
them over a bar. Besides intoxicating drinks it sells 
nothing, except sometimes cigars and tobacco. "The 
sale or use of ardent spirits in any branch of the ex- 
change is strictly prohibited," so say the regulations, 
but it is a well-known fact that this provision is not 
enforced. 

The following is an extract from an act of Con- 
gress, approved June 13, 1890: 

"No alcoholic liquors, beer or wine shall be sold or supplied 
to the enlisted men in any canteen [exchange] or post trad- 
er's store, or in any room or building at any garrison or 
military post, in any state or territory in which the sale of 
alcoholic liquors, beer, or wine is prohibited by law.'- 

This law of Congress is openly violated, and that 
fact is well known to the War Department officials, 
as testimony showing such violations is included in 
the current report of the Secretary of War. A 
couple of quotations will suffice: 

"In 1895 I was at Fort Yates, N. D. [Prohibition territory], 
at a time when the sale of beer in the exchange was not 



*A complete history of the canteen is being published by 
Dickie & Woolley, Chicago, at 75 cents in cloth and 40 cents 
in paper covers. 

67 



68 Thu Army Canteen. 

tolerated. A little later the post commander authorized the 
sale of 'hop tea'— beer under that label."— Lieut. F. C. Mar- 
shall. 

"The citizens of the village of Winooski [Vermont, in Pro- 
hibition territory] will speak of effects upon the morals and 
conduct of the men since its [the canteen's] establishment 
at Fort Ethan Allen. 7 '— Captain Hardie. 

The report also contains abundant evidence show- 
ing that the attempted "regulation" of the army sa- 
loon is a failure. Capt. Chas. Gerhardt, of the 
Eighth Infantry, says: 

"There has been and will be treating in the canteens. 
There has been and will be beer taken away. There has 
been and will be whisky sold in the post/' 

Capt. Macomb on page 119 also says: 

"The only fear is that non-drinking men may acquire a 
taste for liquors from the custom of treating or being forced 
to treat others." 

Lieut. N. F. McClure says: 

"The present rule allowing each man credit to the extent 
of one-fifth of his pay is constantly violated." 

Capt. G. K. Hunter says: 

"On a recent visit to Washington a congressman informed 
me that he had seen whisky sold at one of the post exchanges 
in a post in New York harbor. ... I think great care 
should be taken to not further antagonize persons who may 
use examples of violations of exchange regulations as argu- 
ments for discontinuing the canteen feature, which is the 
whole soul and life of the post exchange system." 

In March, 1899, Congress passed what is known as 
the "anti-canteen law," (section 17, of the army re- 
organization bill). It reads as follows: 

"That no officer or private soldier shall be detailed to sell 
intoxicating drinks as a bartender or otherwise, in any 
post exchange or canteen, nor shall any other person be 
required or allowed to sell such liquor in any encampment 
or fort, or on any premises used for military purposes by 
the United States, and the Secretary of War is hereby di- 
rected to issue such general order as may be necessary to 
carry the provisions of this section into full force and 
effect." 

That this law prohibited the sale of beer in the 
army saloon or "canteen" was understood by both the 
friends and foes of the measure. Instead of carrying 
out the plain intent of the law, the War Department, 



The Army Canteen. 69 

having failed in an attempt to get the judge advo- 
cate general to rule that beer was not intoxicating 
and could therefore be sold, adopted the suggestion 
of a Washington liquor paper and intimated to At- 
torney General Griggs that he might decide that the 
law only provides that soldiers may not be bar-tend- 
ers, and that therefore the sale of beer might con- 
tinue if civilian bar-tenders were employed. The 
Attorney General acted on this suggestion and so 
ruled. His opinion was denounced by newspapers, 
members of Congress, lawyers and judges as an out- 
rage. President McKinley was appealed to and lit- 
erally thousands of petitions from temperance and 
church organizations were sent him urging that lie 
use his unquestioned authority as commander in 
chief of the army to abolish the canteen and thus 
carry out the plain intent of Congress. The Presi- 
dent, however, has turned a deaf ear to all entreat- 
ies, declaring that the Griggs opinion "will have to 
stand." He asserts that "the attiude of our temper- 
ance friends is simply absurd." The law of March, 
1899, still stands unrepealed, and the canteen exists 
in violation of the law and is now, as it always has 
been, at the mercy of the President of the United 
States. " 

Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles, the command- 
ing general of the army, with his annual report for 
the year ending June 30, 1899, transmits also the 
report of Major-General William Ludlow, who said: 
"It is a matter of general recognition that the use of 
intoxicating drinks of any kind in the tropics conduces ef- 
fectively to attack from disease. IT IS BELIEVED BY 
THIS DEPARTMENT THAT ABSOLUTE PROHIBITION 
IS IMPERATIVE. In almost every case of yellow fever 
developed thus far among American troops in Cuba it has 
been found that the patient was in the habit of drinking. 
IT IS PARTICULARLY IMPORTANT, WHERE A LARGE 
NUMBER OF THE TROOPS ARE RECRUITS, THAT 
NOTHING BE OFFICIALLY DONE TO CREATE IN THEM 
THE HABIT OF USING INTOXICANTS. To establish can- 
teens at the posts in the tropics is to render the tempta- 



70 The Army Canteen. 



tions of sociability and companionship practically irresistible, 
and the habit of drinking is readily acquired." 

At present over 85 per cent of the United States 
army is in the tropics. 

Major-General Shatter, from Santiago, wrote to 
The Voice: 

"I have always been strongly opposed to the canteen sys- 
tem or the sale of intoxicating drinks of any kind on mili- 
tary reservations, and have opposed it until absolutely over- 
ruled and required to establish a canteen at my post. I re- 
gard it demoralizing to the men, besides impairing seriously 
their efficiency. The plea that it furnishes a large sum, 
which it does, to improve the table fare of the men, is, in 
my opinion, a very poor one, as the Government of the 
United States is perfectly able to feed its men without any 
assistance from the profits of rum selling." 

The late Brigadier General Guy V. Henry also 
wrote to The Voice from Porto Rico: 

"I am opposed to sales of liquors of any kind to enlisted 
men and the use of same in hot climates is injurious. A 
canteen puts liquor (beer and light wines) in front of a 
man, and induces him to drink, which, with this temptation 
removed, he would never do." 



XIV.-THE FAILURE OP REGULATION. 

There are no arguments against Prohibition, more 
in favor with the editors of liquor pa- 
pers, the old party politicians and other 
defenders of the liquor business than the 
well worn statements that "Prohibition is a 
failure," and "Prohibition don't prohibit." In sup- 
port of these statements some city or town, located 
in territory which through some state or local law 
is under Prohibition, is pointed out and because 
some of the public officials in such city or town have 
been corrupted and have allowed the law to be vio- 
lated, these gentlemen conclude that "you can't make 
men moral by law" and that "Prohibition is a fail- 
ure." 

Those who oppose Prohibition on the ground that 
the law is violated in territory where the sale of 
liquor is prohibited are almost invariably in favor of 
some scheme for the "regulation" of the traffic. That 
being the case it should be borne in mind that: 

"FOR EVERY OUNCE OF REAL FAILURE TO BE 
CHARGED AGAINST PROHIBITION, ADMINISTERED 
BY MEN WHO ARE ITS AVOWED ENEMIES, A TON- 
STANDS AGAINST 'REGULATION,' AS ADMINISTERED 
BY OFFICERS AND POLITICAL PARTIES FAVORABLE 
TOWARD IT AND COMMITTED TO ITS SUPPORT." 

The statement quoted above appeared in The New 
Voice Sept. 1, 1899, since which time that paper has 
published from the reports of personal investigations 
by members of its staff, literally pages of matter 
proving that the laws enacted for the "regulation" 
of the liquor business are commonly and flagrantly 
violated. In fact, the open violation of the laws of 
the various states, prohibiting the sale of liquor on 
Sunday and to minors, is so well known and so al- 

71 



72 The Failure of Regulation. 

most universal, except in Prohibition territory, that 
it is unnecessary to cite particular instances. 

Washington, New York, Albany, Syracuse, Buffalo. 
Toledo, Columbus, Chicago, Milwaukee, Minneapolis 
and St. Louis have recently been investigated. Each 
of them is under a license law; in each of them the 
sale of liquor on Sunday and to minors is contrary 
to law. These provisions are constantly violated. 
The conclusion is inevitable, "Regulation does not 
control," and "Restriction is a failure." Minneapolis 
claims to have "settled" the saloon question by con- 
fining the liquor shops to certain prescribed territory; 
but the law is constantly violated. In South Caro- 
lina the dispensary law or state control system is in 
force, yet in the city of Charleston the provisions of 
the law are no more regarded than the Justinian 
code. Any interested investigator will find abundant 
evidence in his own or his nearest large city, to 
justify the statement that the only practical method 
of dealing with the saloon is to prohibit it. 

Horace Greeley said . . . 

"Now, it is mad, it is driveling, to talk of regulat- 
ing the traffic in intoxicating beverages. Raise the 
charge for license to $10,000 and enact that nobody 
but a doctor of divinity shall be allowed to sell, and 
you will have no material improvement on the state 
of things now presented, because so long as one man 
is licensed to sell thousands will sell without license. 
The law is robbed of all moral sanction and force by 
the fact that it grants dispensations to some to do 
with impunity and for their own profit that which is 
forbidden to others."— The New York Tribune, April 
4 ? 1854. 



XV.-CAN SOCIALISM CURE THE DRINK EVIL? 

In view of the claims made during recent years by 
American Socialistic leaders and periodicals regard- 
ing Socialism as a remedy for the drink evil, The 
New Voice instructed its special commissioner to 
Europe, Mr. W. B. Johnson, to study that particular 
phase of the question in certain British cities where 
such socialistic doctrines have been applied as might 
reasonably lead to the expectation that there should 
be found there at least some indications of the good 
results hoped for. 

Mr. Johnson selected Glasgow, the second city of 
the British empire, and Huddersfield, with a popula- 
tion of 100,000, as probably the fairest fields for in- 
vestigation. Both of these cities have made much 
progress in "practical socialism." He says: 

"Glasgow has done almost everything for the workingmen 
except to abolish the liquor shops, of which 1,746 exist under 
license. Homes for families are provide^ at a small rental; 
widows and widowers are boarded by the city at cost; city 
nurses care for babies during working hours; penny baths 
exist in all parts of the city where workingmen live; munic- 
ipal tramways and ferries take them to their work for one 
or two cents; municipal concerts, lectures, night schools and 
employment agencies are free; public playgrounds and even 
playthings are provided for the children; free gas is fur- 
nished for the alleys and hallways of the poor, and twenty- 
two co-operative societies of the city provide the working- 
man's supplies at the lowest possible rate. The license Jaws 
are as well enforced as in other large cities, with every con- 
dition favorable to the successful operation of the law; yet 
45,000 people are arrested for drunken rows every year and 
an annual average of 1,200 women are assaulted by drunken 
husbands— 107 poor women thrashed by their husbands every 
month. On the streets old men and boys, young girls and 
gray-haired women were seen in a tipsy condition/* 

If Socialism has any virtue as a remedy for the 

drink evil, all the elements for its success seem to be 

found in Huddersfield. Almost £very imaginable 

73 



74 Can Socialism Cure the Drink Evil? 



thing has long since been done for the laboring man 
—except to close the gin mill. For half a century 
the city has provided lodging houses and mechanics' 
homes at a nominal rental for her poor; long ago she 
began building artisans' dwellings, which she rented 
to the working families as low as $5 a month for a 
good home; the dwellings are modern with every fa- 
cility for neatness and comfort. It was the first city 
in Britain to operate its own street car lines, and for 
twenty years they have been run, having the especial 
accommodation of the working classes in view. The 
fares vary with the distance, but nearly all amount 
to two cents in American money. The city owns and 
operates its own gas works, electric light plant, water 
works, and is now adding a telephone. The markets, 
stock exchange, baths, laundries, cemeteries, parks, 
sewers, reduction works, slaughter houses, all belong 
to and are operated by the city; yet in spite of all 
these things the Hon. Joseph Woodhead, who has 
always lived in Huddersfield, has been twice mayor 
of the city, is an ex-member of Parliament and is 
now the editor of the leading daily paper of the city, 
says: 

"I cannot honestly say that these enterprises have had a 
particle of effect one way or the other upon the liquor quesr 
tion. They have been of unquestionable benefit to the work- 
man who does not drink, but so far as in any way tending to 
solve the drink problem they have made no difference what- 
ever. The drink question is still with us, and we have or- 
ganized all sorts of plans to cope with. it. We have various 
lodges of Good Templars, the Huddersfield Temperance 
League, the Huddersfield Temperance Society, and nearly 
every church organization has its Band of Hope. I only 
wish that these municipal enterprises had resulted in the 
direction of promoting temperance, but they have done 
nothing in that way whatever." 



XVI.— THE "GOTHENBURG SYSTEM". 

In the spring of 1900, Mr. William E. Johnson, spe- 
cial commissioner of The New Voice to Europe, in 
a series of articles published in that paper, entered 
into a very exhaustive study of the so-called Gothen- 
burg system which has been in operation in some 
parts of Norway and Sweden since 1865, although in 
the two countries the system differs very materially. 
Briefly stated, the "Gothenburg" system places 
the licenses in the hands of private corpora- 
tions which may either conduct the traffic 
or relet the licenses to others. This applies only 
to the traffic in spirituous liquors. The traf 
fie in beer and wine is not generally monopo- 
lized. In Sweden the corporations are called "bo- 
lags;" in Norway, "samlags." In concluding his arti- 
cles Mr. Johnson makes the following observations: 

"Out of a quarter of a century of experimenting with this 
Gothenburg theory, there are some developments which 
prominently force their way to the surface. 

"Except in rare cases, the best elements of a community 
will not run a saloon. Frequently, they will organize a 
company, in the same way that they would rent their 
property for a bawdy house, but the man who actually runs 
the place generally comes from be ranks of the disreputable. 
The man with self respect won't do it. 

"Another vital weakness lies in the distribution of the 
profits. In Sweden these profits go to the relief of the tax- 
payer. In the larger cities, they pay about one-third of the 
taxes. This reconciles the better elements to the system, 
the success of which has come to be reckoned from the 
amount of profits, which means the amount of the stuff 
sold. 

"Norwegian legislators saw this weakness and provided 
that the profits of their samlags should 'go to charitable' 
concerns for charitable purposes. The result was that 'char- 
itable institutions' sprang up in Norway like frogs in Moses' 
Egypt. The nuisance became such that the Storthing has en- 
acted that the bulk of these profits, after the year 1900, 
shall be paid into the national treasury. What to finally do 



76 «Thb "Gothenburg System' 



with them, nobody seems to know. If they go to the gen- 
eral fund, that means to the relief of taxation, the very 
Swedish evil which the Storthing originally guarded against. 
If they are to 1 be devoted to charity, institutions, or public 
enterprises of any sort, they rush into the very evil from 
which they have just fled. The very fact that there are 
enormous profits to be disposed of makes inevitable a wild 
scramble for a share, and it is not the best people who are 
apt to indulge in this scramble. If they reduce the price of 
drinks in order to reduce the profits, they add great en- 
couragement to more drinking among the working people, the 
very thing that the system was designed to prevent. About 
the only way out of the difficulty seems to be to make a huge 
bonfire once a year and burn up the profits. 

"The Norwegian and Swedish systems differ in another 
Important respect: 

"In Sweden, the bolags are required to furnish food. 
The plan is to make the drinking places attractive, and 
gradually turn them into restaurants. Gothenburg, where 
this policy has been intelligently followed for thirty-four 
years, is now, statistically, and in common repute, the most 
drunken city in the whole Scandinavian peninsula. There 
are probably few cities on the civilized earth that can show 
such an enormously high per capita drunkenness as can 
Gothenburg. 

"The Norwegian plan, on the other hand, is to make the 
drinking shops disagreeable. No accommodations, no food, 
no chairs, no papers and no amusements are provided. Ap- 
parently the most disagreeable man in town is selected for 
bartender. The customer must swallow the dram and get 
out. The theory is to make drinking places disagreeable and 
incidentally make money for charity. The results, gloomy as 
they appear as any solution of the problem, do not seem to 
be so hopelessly bad as in Sweden. 

"But one fact stands out clearer than ary other: NOT A 
SINGLE GOOD RESULT CAN BE POINTED OUT THAT 
HAS NOT BEEN THE DIRECT OUTCOME OF PROHIBI- 
TION. The Norwegian law has much more Prohibition in it 
and its general results have been correspondingly better." 



XVIL-THE SOUTH CAROLINA DISPENSARY 

LAW 

This law was passed in 1892 by the manipulation 
of the "Tillmanites" after the people had voted by 
10,000 majority for Prohibition. It places the liquor 
traffic in the hands of county dispensers who receive 
a salary; the profits of sales, which are not to exceed 
50 per cent, are divided equally between the county 
and the municipality. Liquors are purchased from 
the State Board of Control in sealed packages hold- 
ing from one-half pint to five gallons and are sold 
direct to customers, unopened and not to be opened 
on the premises. No person is permitted to manu- 
facture or sell liquor except through the Dispensary. 
Prohibition is easier of enforcement than the South 
Carolina system. For the year ending June 30, 1899, 
the U. S. revenue officials seized 289 illicit distilleries 
in the state. Not a single illicit distillery was re- 
ported or seized in the Prohibition states of Maine, 
Kansas or Iowa. 



tff 



XVIIL-THE "MULCT TAX" LAW. 

The so-called "mulct law'* is in lorce in the states 
of Ohio and Iowa, .which are nominally under con- 
stitutional Prohibition. 

In Ohio the state constitution, adopted in 1859, pro- 
vides: 

"No license to traffic in intoxicating liquors shall hereafter 
be granted in this state, but the General Assembly may, 
by law, provide against evils resulting therefrom." 

Several statutory laws for the "regulation" of a 
traffic which was prohibited were declared uncon- 
stitutional by the courts, but in 1886 the "Dow Law", 
as it is called, was passed. Instead of licensing traffic, 
it simply charges the traffic, wherever found, with the 
burden of a tax. Originally the tax was $250 a 
year, but a few years ago it was increased to $350. 

Iowa was under Prohibition from 1884 to 1891, 
when the present so-called "Mulct Law" was passed. 

This act declared that it in no way legalized the 
sale of liquor nor protected any wrongdoer from the 
penalties he had incurred. But it assessed a tax of 
$600 per annum against all holders of permits who 
were not pharmacists, for which the owner of the 
premises was also made liable. Another section, ap ? - 
plicable to cities of only 5,000 inhabitants, made the 
payment of the tax a bar to proceedings under the 
prohibitory law, on compliance with a number of 
specified conditions and the written consent, signed 
by a majority of the voters residing in the city, who 
voted at the last general election. 

Another section extends the protection of the pro- 
visions of the Mulct Law to towns of less than 5,000 
population, where 65 per cent of the voters at the 
last election have signed their consent thereto. In 
fact, the act amounts to a practical waiver of the 
prohibitory provisions with th£ consent of a majority 
of the voters in the large towns and cities and of 
65 per cent of such voters elsewhere. 

is 



XIX.-THE RAINES LIQUOR TAX LAW. 

This much lauded model of high license legislation 
was passed by the INew York state legislature (largely 
Republican) in response to a demand for a better ex- 
cise law. A previous legislature had voted to sub- 
mit to popular vote a Prohibition constitutional 
amendment, but had considerately failed to make the 
necessary appropriation to provide for the cost of the 
election and the matter had gone by default, and this 
law which provides for an annual tax of $800 in cities 
having at least 1,500,000 population; $650, in cities of 
500,000 to 1,500,000; $500 in cities of 50,000 to 500,000; 
$350 in cities of 10,000 to 50,000; $300 in places of 
5,000 to 10,000; $200 in places of 1,200 to 5,000 and 
$100 for places having less than 1,200 population, was 
given to the world as the ne plus ultra of temperance 
legislation. 

As a revenue measure the law has been an unquali- 
fied success, the state's share of the liquor tax for 
the past year being $4,231,231.06 and the cities and 
towns receiving $8,351,017.65, a total of $12,582,248.71. 

A local option vote, once in two years, by towns is 
provided for upon the acknowledged petition of ten 
per cent of the voters of the township, but cities have 
absolutely no voice in excise matters, the state fixing 
the license fee and granting no opportunity for a local 
option vote. 

Since the law became operative, May 1, 1896, the 
annual reports of the state commissioner of excise 
have been studied arguments in favor of the law, 
many of the comparisons between it and the old ex- 
cise law being absolutely false and misleading. In his 
report for the year ending September 30, 1897, the 
commissioner gave what purported to be a table 
showing the number of arrests for drunkenness in 
the various cities and incorporated villages of the 
state before and after the Raines' law went into ef- 
fect, and gave 81,893 as the number of such arrests 

79 



80 The Raines LiQtroR Tax Law. 

in 1895 and 59,204 for 1897, when as a matter of fact 
the number given for 1897 represented ONLY THE 
ARRESTS FOR NINE MONTHS instead of for a 
full year as the tables presented would lead one to 
believe. The current report does not give the number 
of arrests for the past year. In his yearly reports 
the Commissioner also compares the number of 
licenses ISSUED under the old law with the number 
IN FORCE at a certain date under the present law. 

Last year according to the official report there were 
issued 31,709 liquor tax certifiicates against 33,437 
licenses in 1895 under the old law. The small reduc- 
tion in the total number issued is shown upon analysis 
to be entirely in the cities and larger towns, and to be 
largely due to a provision of the law which prohibits 
grocers from keeping a barroom in connection with 
their stores. 

As a measure for lessening the evils arising from 
the liquor traffic it is an acknowledged failure, even 
its friends, if well informed, admitting that as much 
liquor is consumed as before its enactment, and that 
the restrictive features are openly and commonly vio- 
lated. In its issues of November 3 and 17, 1898, The 
Voice printed columns of paragraphs from the records 
of crime due to drink, as published in the various 
newspapers of the state during the preceding six 
months. A perusal of the story is sufficient to con- 
vince any unprejudiced person that high license as 
exemplified by the Raines' law is a failure in every 
moral aspect. 



XX.-THE RELATION OF POVERTY TO DRINK. 

In response to an inquiry directed to the "Keeper 
of the Almshouse" in each of the 2,841 counties in the 
United States in 1899, replies were received from 816 
officials in 46 states. The leading question asked 
was : 

"In your opinion what proportion of the inmates of your 
almshouse came there directly or indirectly through the use 
or abuse of intoxicating liquors, either on the part of them- 
selves or someone else?" 

The officials were also asked to state their experi- 
ence with paupers and the number of paupers under 
their charge. The 816 replies received were from 
officials with an average experience of nearly five 
and a half years, and who had under their charge 
33,245 paupers, of whom 17,091, or 51 per cent, were 
paupers through intoxicating liquor. 

Such authorities as Charles D. Kellogg, Secretary of 
the New York Charities Organization, Prof. Richard 
T. Ely and the "Encyclopedia of Social Reforms," 
place the total number of persons in the United 
States, partially or wholly supported by charity, at 
3,000,000. If that be the case, assuming, as it is fair 
to do, that the average of the estimates of these 816 
keepers of almshouses will hold good for the 3,000,- 
000. THERE ARE IN THIS COUNTRY TO-DAY 
1,530,000 PERSONS WHO ARE SO IMPOVER- 
ISHED THROUGH DRINK THAT THEY ARE 
COMPELLED TO DEPEND WHOLLY OR IN 
PART UPON PUBLIC CHARITY FOR THEIR 
FOOD, CLOTHING AND SHELTER. 



si 



XXL-THE STORY OF A THOUSAND JAILS. 

In its issues of May 13 and May 20, 1899, The New 
Voice printed in tabulated form the replies of 1,017 
keepers of county jails from 43 states to the 
question: 

"In your opinion, what proportion of the prisoners in your 
jail were brought there directly or indirectly through 
drink?" 

The jailers were also asked to state the number of 
years' experience they had had in dealing with pris- 
oners. There are nearly 3,000 county jailers in this 
country. They are in constant association with 
criminals. They know the habits, history and fre- 
quently the ancestry of the inmates of the jails. 
The aggregate experience of the 1,017 who replied 
to The New Voice inquiry was almost 6,000 years, 
or an average of more than five and one-half years 
each. 

Summarizing the "returns" of this inquiry, we 
find: 

1. The general average of 909 replies from license states 
gives the proportion of crimes due to drink at 72 per cent. 

2. The average of replies from 108 officials in Prohibition 
states is 37 per cent, the replies indicating that a consider- 
able part of these were bootleggers in jail for selling 
whisky. 

3. The above does not include 55 empty jails in Prohibition 
counties. 

4. Out of the 1,017 replies, 257 placed the proportion at 90 per 
cent; 525 at 75 per cent and above; 73 at 50 per cent and above; 
while out of the entire 1,017 jailers only 181 could be found 
to place their estimate below 25 per cent, and 55 of these 
were in Prohibition territory and reported empty jails. 



82 



XXII.-PROHIBITION IN MAINE. 

Maine was the pioneer Prohibition state. Her first 
prohibitory law was passed by the legislature in 
1846, but did not provide adequate penalties for vio- 
lation, and was not very effective. In 1851 (four 
years before the Republican party was organized in 
Maine.— See Maine Register), "the Maine law," 
framed by Gen. Neal Dow, as an amendment to the 
previous law, was passed. It contained the impor- 
tant "search and seizure clause." Five years later 
its enemies, by a political coalition, repealed ' the 
law, substituting a stringent high license law. The 
legislature of 1855 voted to submit the question to 
popular vote> and Prohibition was adopted by an 
overwhelming majority. The*vote stood 28,804 for; 
5,912 against. In 1858, therefore, the law was re- 
enacted and, with some additions, has stood as the 
law of the state ever since, being embodied in the 
constitution in 1884, after 30 years' trial, by a vote 
of 70,783 to 23,811. In 1855-56, under Prohibition, 
the commitments to jail for crime were 65; in 1857- 
58, under license, 121; in 1859-60, under Prohibition 
again, 89. 

Every governor of Maine from 1867 down to the 
present time has publicly borne testimony to the 
good results of the law, and for 40 years not a man 
has been sent to Congress from the Pine Tree State 
who did not espouse the cause of Prohibition. 

In July, 1899, The New Voice gave an exhaustive 
study of the results and workings of the law. The 
conclusion is: 

That while in some of the larger cities the law is flagrantly 
violated, through the corruption of public officials [as the Re- 
publicans usually poll almost two-thirds of the total vote 
the responsibility for non-enforcement is easily placed], 
yet there is not a legal groggery in Maine; 621 out of 790 

organized cities, towns and villages are without a liquor 

83 



84 Prohibition in Maine. 



outlaw; of the 661,086 inhabitants of the entire state, 280,333 
live in cities and villages where not even a "bootlegger" 
exists— not to intention the other thousands that live, 
outside the centers of population, where the liquor outlaw is 
entirely unknown. 

Prior to 1846, Maine had tried to "regulate" the 
liquor traffic and had become one of the most 
drunken commonwealths in the world; a large pro- 
portion of the farms had been sold for debt; the 
state was overrun with distilleries and breweries; 
Portland alone containing seven distilleries and two* 
breweries; every twenty years the entire assessed 
valuation of the state was consumed in drink. Now 
there are 192,625 depositors and shareholders in sav- 
ings banks, trust, and building and loan associa- 
tions (one to every three of population, an average 
of nearly two in every family), or 79,000 more than 
the number of voters at the last national election. 

The compendium of the eleventh census, 1890 
(pages 954 and 955, Part III), shows that in 1850 
the total value of real and personal property in the 
state of Maine was $122,777,571, or $210 per capita. 
In 1890, the valuation was $489,134,128, or $740 per 
capita, The population in 1850 was 583,169, against 
661,086 in 1890. 



XXIII.-A COMPARISON OF FAILURES. 

Opponents of Prohibition are much given to point- 
ing out, from the reports of the Commissioner of 
Internal Revenue, the number of persons in Maine 
and other Prohibition states who have paid the 
Federal tax required of retail liquor dealers, as con- 
clusive evidence of the failure of Prohibition, and 
as an argument in favor of license laws. 

The report of the Commissioner for the year end- 
ing June 30, 1890, shows that 1,314 persons in Maine 
paid this special tax. Forty of these were persons 
authorized as state agents, leaving 1,274 "bootleg- 
gers" in the state. 

The report of the same Commissioner also shows 
that 8,502 persons in the city of Chicago paid this 
special tax and an examination of the books of the 
city collector, made by the Chicago Tribune, shows 
that only 6,431 of these persons paid the city license 
fee. It will thus be seen that Chicago has nearly 
800 more "blind pigs" or "bootleggers" than the 
entire state of Maine. The city of Washington, un- 
der the absolute control, through his power of ap- 
pointment and removal, of the President, has 436 
"blind pigs," according to official reports (see The 
New Voice, May IT, 1900). Massachusetts, in 1898, 
had 1,015 "bootleggers," besides 3,553 licensed liquor 
shops. Of these "blind pigs," 663 were in the city 
of Boston. In 1897, The Voice found more than 
4,000 "blind pigs" in the city of New York— three 
times as many as in the entire state of Maine. 

That the law is not well enforced in certain parts 
of Maine is true. It is also true that for the non- 
enforcement of the law the Republican party is re- 
sponsible, there having been since 1884 a systematic 
effort on the part of certain officials to break down 
the law. (See The New Voice of December 7, 1899, 

85 



86 A Comparison of Failures. 

February 1, April 12 and June 28, 1900.) A single 
illustration will suffice to show the subservience of 
the party to the liquor interests. In 1893, the legis- 
lature, overwhelmingly Republican, amended the 
general law as follows: 

"When it is provided that he shall be punished by im- 
prisonment or fine, or by fine and in addition thereto im- 
prisonment, he may be sentenced to either or both."— Re- 
vised Statutes of Maine, Chapter 14S, amending Chapter 
135. 

The deliberate intention of the leaders to deceive 
the people is fully illustrated here when it is known 
that there is nothing in the title of this amendment 
that would indicate that it was aimed at the pro- 
hibitory law, as the chapter amended is not the 
chapter containing said law, that being chapter 27; 
but it gives the judges, municipal and others, the 
power to defeat the ends of the law, regardless of 
how hard the citizens may try to enforce it. 



XXIV.-CONSUMPTION OF LIQUOR IN THE 
UNITED STATES. 

The consumption of liquor in the United States 
has never steadily increased or diminished, but has 
fluctuated, with a general upward tendency in the 
totals. The following table gives the gross and per 
capita consumption since 1877. The figures are from 
the Statistical Abstract, and the per capita con- 
sumption is based upon the estimate of population, 
for each year, as. given by the actuary of the United 
States Treasury Department: 

DISTILLED SPIRITS, WINES AND MALT LIQUORS, QUAN- 
TITIES CONSUMED, AND AVERAGE ANNUAL CON- 
SUMPTION PER CAPITA IN THE UNITED 
STATES FROM 1877 TO 1899. 



00 CO 00 
vOOO^T 



00 00 00 
\Q O vO 
O (71 4*. 



00 00 
COfsJ 



oo yo oo 

\D vO 00 



00 to 00 00 00 
00 00 00 00 00 
GO-JONOl^ 



00 00 00 00 
00 CO CO 00 
U>is3 I—- O 



CO 00 00 
vOOO -J 



Year ending 
June 30. 




© o 

O 00 
vOCO 
O 4*. 



© © 

OOO 
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tocn 



© © 

o -• 
WO 

"— ts> 

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CMs) 



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B1 



vooo-^j-t-jovc/ioi 

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joio j-Jj-J oo <r j-»^ 
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^ 95 £? w^^^tooNlnoN^ti-^abN cvViV oo©k>T-»*o __ 

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(*J00KJ00QNCn00-^0000i-*OC04>.Cn00^t0JCnOOt>3cn 

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cn©i-«©^oojH-OK)©is>c^h-»ONO>ooav©oo<rH-cocot— 

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tn00W<^00>-C04^0l0NC\^UlC/lO^CeS^C>©3<I-' 

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CO 

^^^^>°~£!^£*? c ' v "* :i _£ , * * JON - : >*^©O v *^©O N C/if--* 
■£>■ 4* vooaiooooooo^K>o u>©K?4^<rojcna>aioooo{» 

^ l_i )_. H* i— . ►-« !-• »-* K* >-. M M i— M M H* I-* M H« >-* __ 

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WU^W(flW^J*C>WO«J\0O0vOH^O>O0\4iW? 1 



Malt 
Liquors. 



Total con- 
sumption Ol 
wines and 
liguors. 



Of dis- 
tilled 
spirits. 



Of 

wines. 



Of malt 
liquors 



Of all 
liquors 
& wines 



o 

•d d 

o' 

p 
•d 

0) 



87 



XXV.-THE IMPERIAL EXPANSION OP THE 

LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 

The following tables show the increased expor- 
tation of intoxicating liquors during the past two 
years, from the United States to Cuba, Porto Rico 
and the Philippine Islands. These figures are from 
the Bureau of Statistics of the United States Treas- 
ury Department, and are strictly official: 

EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC MALT LIQUORS, SPIRITS AND 
WINES FROM JUNE 30, 1894, TO JANUARY 31, 1900 



Articles and Countries. 




( 


Quantities 






1895 

16239 
36413 


189 6 

13311 
33630 


1897 

10791 

57637 

95 


1898 

3050 

29275 


1899 


11900 


Cuba- 
Malt Liquors, inbottles(dozs) 
Malt Liquors, not in bottles, 

(gallons) 


334,992 
179,012 

' ' 171 


313,253 
220,261 


Distilled Spirits, alcohol, 
pure, neutral or cologne (proof 
gallons) . 


*10,654 


Rrandv frvronf ca,llons^ 














95 






Whiskey, Bourbon, (proof gals) 
Whiskey, Rye (proof gallons). 

All other (proof gallons) 

Wines, in bottles (dozens) 

Wines, not in bottles (gallous).. 

PORTO RICO— 
Malt Liquors, in bottles (dozs) 
Malt Liquors, not in bottles, 

( galions ) 


300 

252 

2 

5 

1232 

857 


10 

312 
1300 

"420 
1350 




7,822 
44,308 

1,376 

468 

43,104 

126 519 
6,760 

20 
27 




187 

"32 

295 

1425 
300 


57 

3300 

6 

100 

2601 


91 

11,789 

38,369 


Distilled Spirits, alcohol, 
pure, neutral or cologne (proof 
gallons) . . 






♦4,333 


Brandy (proof gallons) 


5 




' 














Whiskey, Bourbon (proof gals) 
Whiskey, Rye (proof gallons). 
All other (proof gallons) 






3 




2,437 

7,694 

31 

202 

9,005 

65,344 
















Wines, in bottles (dozens) 










20 


Wines, not in bottles (gallons). 

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS- 
MALT Liquors, in bottles} (dozs 

(gallons) 


200 

150 


1270 
835 


464 
400 


504 
200 


1,756 

73,560 
13,600 

714 


Spirits Distilled, alcohol, 
pure, neutral or cologne (proof 
gallons) 












Brandy (proof gallons) 










1,228 
















Whiskey, Bourbcn (oroof gals) 










18,199 

1,076 

831 

1,030 

22,255 




Whiskey, Rye (proof gallons). 












All others (proof gallons) 










47,616 


Wines, in bottles (dozens) 










505 


Wines, not in bottles (gallons) 










5.001 



♦Includes all Spirits, Whiskey, Brandy, etc. 
tSeven months, ending Jan. 31, 1900. 



88 



EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC MALT LIQUORS, SPIRITS AND 
WINES FROM JUNE 30, 1894, TO JANUARY 31, 1900. 



Articles and Countries. 


Value. 




1895 
23191 


1896 

22066 
5689 


1897 

18082 
9467 

29 


1898 

ft 

5027 
4884 


1899 


tl900 


CUBA- 
MALT Liquors, in bottles 

Malt Liquors, not in bottles . 
Distilled Spirits, alcohol, 

pure neutral or cologne 


491,879 
49,712 

" ' 363 


425,400 
57,983 

15,920 


Brandt 








rum 






.71 

"395 

"l74 
115 

226 4 
90 






Whiskey, Bourbon, 


280 
769 

c 

20 
487 

1479 


11 

721 
350 

*22i 
2173 


158 

727 

38 
46 

3668 


4,947 

61,603 

3,049 

1,599 

16,073 

192.332 
1,670 

15 

72 




Whiskey, Rye 




All other 




Wines, in bottles 

Wines not in bottles 


377 
4,276 

55,934 


PORTO RICO- 
MALT Liquors, in bottles 

Malt Liquors, not in bottles . . 


Distilled Spirits, alcohol, 
pure, neutral or cologne 






*6,140 


Brandy 


10 










Rum 




Whiskey, Bourbon 










2,581 

14,005 

54 

618 

3,076 

91,817 




Whiskey, Rye 






15 






All other 








Wines, in bottles 










48 


Wines, not in bottles 

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS- 
MALT Liquors, in bottles} 

Malt Liquors, not in bottles. . 
Spirits Distilled, alcohol, 

pure, neutral or cologne 


91 

245 


343 

1395 
20 


16i 

663 


140 
337 


731 

96,306 

5,475 

* 106 


Brandy 










1,232 














' 


Whiskey, Bourbon 






• 




36,472 

2,447 

779 

3,741 

7,2-9 




Whisk ey, Rye 












All others ,. 










86,852 


Wines, in bottles 










2.077 


Wines, not in bottles | 








1,837 









♦Includes all Spirits, Whiskey, Brandy, etc. 
tSeven months, ending Jan. 31, 1900. 

tin 1894, 542 dozen bottles of malt liQdors, valued at $885 were 
exported the Philippines. 

Exports to the Philippines for fiscal year 1899 more 
than 426 times exports for fiscal year 1898. 

Exports to the Philippines for first seven months of 
fiscal year 1900 more than 571 times greater than ex- 
ports for fiscal year 1898. 

Exports for fiscal year 1899, nearly 500 times the 
average annual exports of ten preceding years. 



XXVI.-THE NEW VOICE PHILIPPINE 
INVESTIGATION. 

[By William E. Johnson, Special Commissioner of The New Voice 
to the Philippines.] 

When the American troops took possession of 
Manila, there were but three saloons. One of these 
was on Plaza Goiti, the other two were hotel bars. 

There were also a large number of native tiendas 
which sold fruits and small merchandise. Most of 
these establishments had from one to half a dozen 
bottles of native vino. Few tiendas had more than 
two quart bottles of the liquor. There is no ac- 
curate information as to the number of these tiendas 
or ''shacks" before the occupation. With the ex- 
ception of a few which have been burned by the 
natives in repeated attempts to destroy the city, 
these tiendas still remain and now pay a license of 
three dollars per year. 

In addition to these tiendas which the natives had, 
the Americans have established nearly 400 saloons, 
including beer halls and licensed bawdy houses in 
the city of Manila alone. 

Throughout the islands about 200 army beer can- 
teens have been established. Of these, about 150 are 
controlled by a trust known as the American Com- 
mercial Company, managed by an American Jew 
who calls himself W. W. Brown, though his real 
name is said to be Bronisky. Bronisky has a system 
of "loaning" money to army officers. They are not 
expected to repay this "loan" as long as the officers' 
regiment or post buys its liquors from the American 
Commercial Company. 

Court Martials . . . 

The first annual report of Judge Advocate Hull 
covers the period of ten and a half months up to 
June 30, 1899. During this period, there was an 
average of 21,078 enlisted men in the command and 

90 



The New Voice Philippine Investigation. 91 

12,481 cases of court martial of various sorts. These 
were classified as follows: 



General court martials 565 

Garrison court martials 3 

Summary court martials 11,902 

Trials by military commission 11 

Total 12,481 



These 11,902 summary court martials represent 
7,090 different men, over one-third of the entire force 
in the Philippines at this time. 

Outbreaks of intoxicated soldiers upon pay day 
have become so serious that the government is follow- 
ing the plan of paying but one or two companies of 
troops, in one place, at a time. After a couple of com- 
panies had been paid off in Manila, I counted 48 
drunken soldiers wmile walking from the bridge of 
Spain to the postoffice, a distance of three short 
blocks. 

From statistics given in the appendix of General 
Otis' report and from a bulletin on Philippine com- 
merce published at Washington, I compile the follow- 
ing table, giving the imports of different kinds of 
liquors into the Philippines from all countries for 
the years 1893 and 1894, and the first ten months 
of American occupation. 

PHILIPPINE LIQUOR IMPORTS FROM ALL COUNTRIES 
BEFORE AND AFTER AMERICAN OCCUPATION. 

Aur. 27, 1898 to 

KlNi). 1893 1894 July 31, 1899 

Liters. Liters. Liters. 

Wines 758,589 835,681 1,424,490 

Malt Liquors 104,71 2 75,066 1,877,623 

Distilled Liquors 53,200 67,335 185,423 

Various 66,725 

Total 916,501 978,082 3,554,261 



From the same authorities, I compile the following 
table, giving the quantities of the different liquors 
imported into the Philippines from each countrv 



92 The New Voice Philippine Investigation. 

during the first ten months of the American occupa- 
tion. 

PHILIPPINE IMPORTS OF LIQUORS FROM ALL COUN- 
TRIES, AUG. 27, 1898, TO JULY 31, 1899. 

From Beer. Wines Spirits. Other. 

Liters. Liters Liters. Liters. 

United States 1,522.681 

Great Bri tain 22,926 

Germany 72,703 

Spain 67,194 

France 32 

China 218,287 

English Colonies . . . 3,840 

Holland 25 



117,995 


75,986 


6,678 


24,193 


32.597 


6,572 


9,514 


19,493 


1,687 


1,139,157 


34,818 


53,932 


32,098 


1,640 


3,380 


23,459 


20,883 


4,647 



Total 1,877,623 1,424,490 185,423 77,076 

Ten years ago Don Enrique Barretto opened at 
Manila the first and only brewery ever known in the 
Philippines. The venture was a financial failure. 
Just before the American occupation, Pedro F. Roxas, 
the principal creditor, took the property for his claim. 
The plant is now running night and day. Don 
Enrique Brias, superintendent of the brewery, states 
that the business has increased 500 per cent since 
the Americans landed. 



The "Worst Thing We Have Ever Done." 

[President Schurman of the Philippine Commission, speaking 
before tbe Liberal Club at Buffalo, Dee. 14, 1899.] 
The Filipinos have some excellent virtues. They are ex- 
ceedingly cleanly and also exceedingly temperate. Even the 
members of this Liberal club would shock them by the 
amount of wine which most of you have consumed this 
evening. . . . ''You have brought us the blessings of 
civilization," said one of them, "and you have lined our 
most beautiful street in Manila, the Escolta, with sa- 
loons." That is truly the worst thing we have ever done. 
Had we allowed them to go on with their cockfighting and 
stopped our own saloons it would have been better. 



XXVIL-HOW THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC AFFECTS 
INDUSTRY. 



During the year 1899, the American people spent 
for intoxicating liquors more than a billion dollars. 
The manufacture of the liquors for which this money 
was spent and the production of the materials from 
which the liquor was manufactured gave employ- 
ment to 300,901 men. The same amount of money 
expended for twenty of the leading necessaries, in 
proportion to their production, would have given 



93 



94 



How The Liquor Traffic Affects Industry. 



employment to more than five times that number. 
The following* tables give the details: 

How Drink Affects Labor . . . 



-*■ 

c+ 

(— • 

cd 

GO 

»s 




eg 
SB' 

3- S3. 
cd £*. 

Po 

is 

p p 

PiS" 

P P 

o o 
n -t 
go to 


M 

3 



o 

rf 

CD 

P. 

a 

•D 


tDomestic Spirits 

Imported Spirits 

Domestic Wines 


1 

Kind of 
Liquor 


W 

H 

t-H 

£> 

o 
H 

W 

o 

H 
H 


<< ^ 

|g 

P c* 

03 « 




k-i 

*~ W is} 00 

^JjVitnooloo 

^ ^ ^ oj 00 N) 
.T 4 WCP cnjO© 

*^©©oocn<r • 

«^*J vO~J00© 


Amount of 

Consumption in 

Gallons. 


50 2. 
p. pi 




M^ 4>*opocn 

©In©©©© 
©©©©©© 


Estimated Retail 
Price. 




PC 

C+ GO 

Etcd 
CD Pj 

p M 

CD p* 


€0 
© 

on 
o 

1j 

-Ft 

to 

• 00 

u> 


€0 
(SI 4t 

Q\ t-» *. t- 4 4>> 
K) On 4*. in »■* O 

'•4W*-* OnIO *-• 
^50>0«JhO 
j-Jh-©H»4«> 4i. 

V on 4*. ~ oooj 

K) © OJ -t *- tn 
~J h- C> 4^ 4*. © 


Total Cost at Retail 
to Consumers. 


H O 
^ tr 1 


•-* cd 
£p 

CD 03 
Pi" 

*B 
p-g 

cd P 


«3 
(-1 
o 

© 

•ft 
*J 

en 

\ i 

0\ 


ON lO 

j» in as 
"■^t In "-~t 

Ui GJ G> 

^O j© OJ 
ON 00 © 

on •- m 
*o U) t— 


Raw Material Used 
in Manufacture. 


o 

Hi 

00 

NO 


P P 

CO p 

o 5 

ss 

CD p 

P 


4k. 
00 
Ul 


2 ** tn 

^ ON O 


Number of Men 

Employed 
in Manufacture. 


> 


In 

00 

00 


S ^ o> 

oi *■ J* 
00 •■ : H* 4*. 
o <* * 
& in QO 


Number of Men Em- 
ployed in Production 
oi Raw Material. 


CO 

p 

C5 

CD 

GO 


o 
© 

O 


JO 

h-» M ~J 
© On U) 

0J O In 
Cri in no 
OJ H 1 -J 


Total Number of Men Em- 
ployed in the Production 
of the Supply of Each 
Kind of Liquor for 
the Year. 



Total Cost of Drink to Consumers in the Year 1899. . . .$1,069,249,832 
Total Number of Men Furnished with the Chance 

to Earn a Living in the Production of Drink 300,901 



WHAT THE DRINK MONEY WOULD DO IN INDUSTRY. 



o 
p. 

5" 



*3S 

OOP 

3 ° p 

et CD ji 

O o 3 

O &JQ 



jrrP'e £ a 

CD © 



«> u 



'A p 

c 

IS 

c 

£? 

3' 



t? {Ii £ **> ^ 

m CO et ** 2 

H 1 P ct C" 

£&p p p 

niPlCO & 



t? CO 

p*«* 



o r. o o a a a 

CO ^ ^>P © CD 
63 S(S$ n CO 



CD ►- 

P •"! 
0Q C 

p 
o 



P P ™ M 

o p 
gco 

Di 



-JWUlCC^^J'Ji-'AljOU^WOtnO+.OOOM 

Os V © Os "os ^o In os "o fO o ~o »-» 4^ ^J Os V- Vl^-« CO 
U>-f*O0WU)004>.r-U>OJ©.^.Jn— 4*.©-30000O 



Retail Value 
of Product. * 




Men Employed 

in 
Manufacturing. 



-P-Cni-'0^^vOK)00-^U)^JtnOOOCON~JiO 

h* j^- p\ © © po y\ tojctJ n> w -a .to cnj-* j» po 
oj © io oeoo'-J In o oj to">-*Io"io cn"5-» o "~3 o 



38 
tO 

K> tn 
UlOs 



Raw Materials 
Required. 



JO !-••»-» tO 

hJ .*» 0J IO CO ►-».&. -^ M tO>-"-JO*OtOI-'Cogs 

cnto -jos oo y\*o oyioooo oj wj=> fi*\4*. auiO 

vO © h-» © © H» In K» i\j W JO 00 h^K) ~-J tO V O Os "--7 

U»XWCC00CN)ff-4k*.O^«£l*.^K) C'JiOC; 
•acOCWCOHh'h' U)O>WOC00W00WtnO 



Men Required 
to Produce Raw 
Material, t 



Wtn4^Wh-»Cs>£cn<|0^'- l CO*j*J.^*OCO*0-&-00 

4^ <i ps os^k oo J 7 * tnj*- 03 poyi u» © jc oo o en oo 
C.o Inloln'n- 00 <rln tn"Vj to w In In © o> ^'-4 os 

cj\cn^-loo;nsocnto00©^^jcn*.oo©<iwto 
ONtsj^.tou)©oocsoocntnosoo-avc>oot-*oscn<i 



Total Men 
Employed in 
Production. 



♦Selected in Proportion to the Total Value of Each 

Product in the Census Year. 
tAt the Average Rate of $391 per Worker. 

Number of Men Furnished Work in Manufacturing and 

Producing Raw Material for the Drink Supply of 1859 300,901 

Number of Men to Whom the Drink Bill, if spent for the 
Necessities of Life, Would give Work in Shop, Fac- 
tory and Field 1,649,586 

Number of Men Now Unemployed for Whom Closed Gin- 
mills would Mean a Chance to Earn a Living 1,348,685 

95 



XXVIIL-"WHAT WOULD THE PARMER DO 
WITH HIS GRAIN? 

The argument is often made that the liquor busi- 
ness affords an indispensable market for the farmers' 
grain. 

During the last fiscal year the total grain produc- 
tion of the United States was 3,530,063,298 bushels, 
of this amount 83,036,740 bushels, or less than one- 
fortieth of the crop, was used in the manufacture of 
intoxicating liquors. The farmers could easily dispose 
of this to the manufacturers of cereal breakfast foods, 
if the thousands who now go hungry on account of 




A "BABY WAGON" MARKET. 
The dotted line at the top of the bin shows how little the 
amount used in manufacturing liquors reduces the nation's 
supply of grain. 



What would the Farmer do with his Grain. 



97 



the liquor traffic were given an opportunity to fill 
their stomachs with wholesome food. 

The above illustration shows how small a part of 
the cereal crop of the country is used in the manu- 
facture of liquor. The dotted line at the top of the 
granary shows how for the demand for grains to be 
used in the production of intoxicants lowers the sup- 
ply in the national grain bin. 



How Drink Causes Loss to Farmer and Wage 
Earner. 

the following diagrams based upon the returns for 
manufacturers in the census of 1890, show the pro- 
portionate share of a $10 bill that would go to the 
farmer for raw material and to the laborer for wages, 
if spent for intoxicating liquors or for certain neces- 
saries of life. 

TEN DOLLARS SPENT FOR BOOTS AND SHOES. 



• ^v »c> :■>. o- -vj 



:>.<s^ 



MiMm 









[For raw material, $2.91; for wages, $2.89.] 
TEN DOLLARS SPENT FOR FURNITURE. 







=>\\VI 




[For raw material, $1.68; for wages, $3.68.] 



How Drink Causes Loss to Farmer and Wage Earner. 



TEN DOLLARS SPENT FOR CARPETS. 



raw 









[For raw material, $2.49; for wages, $2.69.] 



TEN DOLLARS SPENT FOR CLOTHING. 



^T^^xT 




[For raw material, $2.28; for wages, $2.77.] 



TEN DOLLARS SPENT FOR LIQUOR. 




[For raw material, 96 cents; for wages, 38 cents.] 



The farmer and wage earner receive $5.80 from the 
man who spends his $10 for boots or shoes; $5.36 
from the man who spends his $10 for furniture; $5.18 
from the man who spends his $10 for carpets; $5.05 
from the man who spends his $10 for clothing; but 
only $1.34 from the man who "blows in" his $10 at 
the saloon. In each diagram the white space repre- 
sents the amount of the ten dollars that goes to pay 



Number of Liquor Dealers and Distilleries. 99 

transportation, taxes, rent, interest, cost of retail- 
ing and PROFITS. 

According to a compilation by Geo. B. Waldron, 
from the return of manufacturers in the census of 
1890, which appeared in The Voice, May 17, 1894, one 
hundred dollars spent for an average of 27 ordinary 
products will give employment to 12.07 days' labor 
in manufacturing; will pay in wages $17.78 and will 
demand from other industries materials to the value 
of $44.05. 

One hundred dollars spent for liquors will afford 
only 1.47 days' employment in manufacturing; will 
pay but $3.80 in wages and require from other in- 
dustries materials to the values of only $9.63. 



Number of Liquors Dealers and Distilleries. 

During the year ending June 30, 1899, the number of dis- 
tilleries registered and operated was: Grain, registered 1,675, 
operated 1,286; molasses, registered 11, operated 10; fruit, 
registered 2,718, operated 2,621. Total registered 4,404, total 
operated 4,017. 

The actual number of persons or firms, who, during the 
fiscal year 1899, paid the government tax for engaging In 
some form of the liquor business for different periods of 
time, as reported by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 
W as: Rectifiers, 1,907; retail liquor dealers, 199,729; whole- 
sale liquor dealers, 4,496; manufacturers of stills, 32; brew- 
ers, 1,959; retail dealers in malt liquors, 12,327; wholesale 
dealers in malt liquors, 7,275. 



XXIX.-PROHIBITION THE GREATEST 
FINANCIAL ISSUE. 

As can readily be demonstrated by the following 
figures, the question of Prohibition is the greatest 
financial, as well as moral, issue before the American 
voters to-day. 

The American drink bill, for 1899, was: $1,069,249,832 

The American drink bill, for 1898, was: $1,041,143,083 

Production of gold, 1898, in the United States (3,118,398 ounces) 
$64,463,000 

Production of silver, 1898, in the United States (54,438,000 ounces) 
$70,384,485 

Production of gold and silver, in the entire world, (1898) 
$501,144,000 

Production of gold and silver, in the entire world, for 400 years 

(from 1493 to- 1898 inclusive) $20,480,748,600 

Production of gold in California since 1858 $1,354,182,097 

Public debt of the United States, July 1, 1899, less cash in 
Treasury $1,155,320,235 

Goverment receipts for the past year, (1899- 1900 ) $568,988,948 

Goverment expenditures for the past year $487,759,171 

U. S. Customs revenues, 1899, (Dingley Bill, Republican) 
$206,128,482 

U. S. Customs revenues, 1896, (Wilson Bill, Democratic) 
$160,021,752 

Yearly difference between Republican and Democratio Tariff 
, $46,106,730 

Value of American cereal crop, 1899, (corn, wheat, rye, oats, 

barley and buckwheat $1,194,915,391 

Total cereal crop amounted to 3,530,063,269 bushels, 

Grain used in manufacturing liquor 83,036,740 bushels. 

Railroad earnings, 1899, (see Poor's manual) in U. S. $1,249,588,724 
[The railroad companies carried 514,982.288 passengers an aver- 
age of 25 miles each; moved 912,973,853 ton* of freight and 
employed 874,588 persons.] 
Capital and Surplus of National Banks, Sept. 1, 1899, $849,646,832 
Savings Bank Deposits $2,230,366,954 

From the foregoing it is seen that the gold produc- 
tion of the United States would about pay the drink 
bill of America for three weeks; that both the gold 
and silver production would pay it for about a month 
and a half; that the production of both metals in the 
entire world would not pay our national liquor bill 
for six months; that, at the present rate of consump- 

100 



Prohibiton the Greatest Financial Issue. 101 

tion, we would spend a sum for drink in twenty years 
equal to the value of the world's production of both 
gold and silver since America was discovered; that 
since the discovery of gold in California her mines 
have produced only enough to pay the national drink 
bill for sixteen months; that we spend for intoxi- 
cants in thirteen months enough to liquidate the pub- 
lic debt, less the cash now in the treasury; that we 
spend more for liquors in seven months than either 
the entire receipts or expenses of government for 
the past year; that the customs revenue (tariff re- 
ceipts) for 1899 under the Dingley Bill were not equal 
to our expenditures for drink in a single three months ; 
that the tariff receipts under the Democratic Wilson 
Bill, in 1896, would not pay our drink bill for sixty 
days; that the financial difference between the tariff 
policies of the Republican and Democrat parties about 
equals the direct cost of the liquor business for six- 
teen days; that the value of the entire American 
cereal crop of 1899, exceeds the country's drink bill 
for the same year by only a small amount; that Ave 
pay almost as much to the liquor dealers for drink 
as to the railroad companies of the country for both 
freight and passenger transportation; that we drink 
up a sum equal to the capital and surplus of all na- 
tional banks in less than ten months and enough to 
pay to all the savings bank depositors of the coun- 
try the full amounts of their deposits in less than 
two years and three months. 



XXX.-THE MONEY QUESTION NOT AN ISSUE. 

March 22, the New York Independent, considered 
one of the ablest papers in the country, said editori- 
ally, regarding the passage of the Congressional act 
of March 14, 1900, by which the single gold standard 
was established: 

There is no longer any room for doubt as to the standard 
established by the laws. ... No President or Secretary 
of the Treasury hereafter can, if so inclined, dishonor or 
degrade the United States by placing the currency on a 
silver basis. Mr. Bryan and his secretary could not do it 
during his term of office, if he should be elected next fall, 
for the Secretary of the Treasury is now required to main- 
tain all our forms of money at a parity with the standard, 
which is the gold dollar, and for at least six years to come 
there will be in the Senate a majority opposed to a repeal 
of the new statute. We are confident that no successful 
political party will ever propose a repeal of it, and that un- 
successful parties will soon cease to hold financial doctrines 
inconsistent with the maintenance of the standard reaffirmed 
and clearly defined by the act of March 14, 1900. 

All of which means that even though Mr. Bryan 
should be elected the free and unlimited coinage of 
silver could not be effected during his term of office. 
At the beginning of the campaign the Republican 
politicians were unanimous in declaring free silver to 
be a dead issue, so far as this campaign is concerned, 
and they were right. Not only is it dead, but Mr. 
Bryan, by his failure to discuss it at length in his 
speech of acceptance, admits that it is dead. The 
Republicans may now try to force it to the front 
again, but with a United States Senate, which for the 
next six years is bound to be overwhelmingly Repub- 
lican, the free coinage of silver is not a political issue 
in this campaign and there is no need for any man to 
"save the country" this year by trying to vote either 
for or against it. The American Issue, national or- 
gan of the Anti Saloon League, well) says: 

Mr. Bryan and his 1 secretary could not bring in free silver 
if elected. Both the law and the Senate would be in his 
way for at least six years to come. We can give attention 

X02 



The Money Question not an Issue. 10? 



to the attitude of state and national administrations to- 
ward such questions as the Clark bill in Ohio, the canteen 
in the army, and the conduct of state and national legis- 
lators with regard to the same. No financial interest of the 
nation will be jeopardized by independent political action 
upon our part. The ground is cleared for social and moral 
questions, and those who have these high interests at stake 
may be expected to avail themselves of the present situ- 
ation. 



XXXI.-THE REPEAL OP PROHIBITION IN 
ALASKA. 

The repeal of Prohibition in Alaska is one of the 
facts charged against the administration of Presi- 
dent McKinley, and a fact of such serious character 
that it deserves more than passing consideration. 
The unsettled condition of that region, and the fact 
that it had been proven that its native population 
was peculiarly susceptible to the dangerous influ- 
ences of intoxicating drinks, led President Cleve- 
land, in 1887 to issue an order providing that no in- 
toxicating liquors of any sort should be landed at 
any of the ports or places without a permit of the 
chief customs officer at the port, to be issued upon 
satisfactory evidence that the liquors so imported 
were to be used solely for sacramental, medicinal, 
mechanical or scientific purposes. Special precau- 
tions were taken so that any vessel leaving any port 
in the United States with intoxicating liquors on 
board and being destined for any Alaskan port or 
over a course that would require it to pass Alaskan 
waters was required to make out a special manifest, 
so as to guard against the unlawful landing of liquors. 
The chief obstacle in carrying out this law was the 
character of the officials sent from Washington to 
occupy positions in the territory. This fact is testi- 
fied to by such men as ex Governor Lyman E. Knapp, 
who occupied the gubernatorial office in the territory 
from 1889 to 1893, and Collector Ivey, who faithfully 
endeavored to enforce the prohibitory law up to the 
very time of its repeal, and who in letters to which 
the writer of this has had access, tells of the criminal 
character of the men who by political pulls obtained 
official position in the territory; of district attorneys 
who were never sober; of judges who were notorious 
drunkards, and other cases of parallel atrocities. The 
result of this failure to enforce the law, was that 

104 



Repeal of Prohibition in Alaska. 105 

within a short time after the discovery of the 
Alaskan gold fields, the country was literally flooded 
with intoxicants, and well meaning men, among them 
Governor Brady, clamored for license laws to regu- 
late the business, while the liquor dealers, the steam- 
ship companies interested in the transportation of 
liquors, and the brewers and distillers of the United 
States urged the repeal of Prohibition and the enact- 
ment of a license law for the sake of avoiding the 
occasional vexations of the few honest officials who 
attempted to enforce the law. Secretaries Gage and 
Bliss of President McKinley's cabinet, joined in this 
clamor. If either of them, through the departments 
of which they were the heads, ever in any way at- 
tempted to enforce the provisions of the prohibitory 
law, that fact has remained undiscovered, but both 
of them were loud in their protests that the law 
could not be enforced, and that for the sake of regu- 
lating the business license must be enacted. That 
is to say, both placed themselves on record as pre- 
tending to believe that criminals who would not obey 
the prohibitory law, could, by some means, be per- 
suaded or forced to obey a restrictive law. 

An attempt was made to obtain the passage of 
such a law by the recommendation of a bill by the 
house committee on territories, in the session of Con- 
gress of the winter of '98-'99. This was defeated by 
means of a hearing before that committee in which 
numerous and prominent representatives of the 
temperance interests of the country appeared. Later 
a bill was introduced hastily by the house committee 
of laws in which an obscure clause repealed the pro- 
hibitory provision and established license.. An at- 
tempt was made to railroad this through Congress, 
but though this failed and there was opportunity for 
brief debate, no Congressman or Senator could be 
found who dared to energetically oppose what was 
known to be an administration measure. It is well 
known that certain members of Congress were finan- 
cially interested in various of the transportation com- 



1C6 Repeal of Prohibition in Alaska. 

panies that expected to profit by the change. Other 
members of Congress were prevented from opposing 
the measure by threats that their opposition of this 
measure would mean defeat of bills in which they 
were interested. Thus the bill passed both houses 
and was promptly approved by President McKinley. 
Alaskan papers have openly charged that since the 
repeal of Prohibition, drunkenness and its resultant 
crime have greatly increased in that territory. 



XXXIL-ATTITUDE OP THE CHURCH 
TOWARDS PROHIBITION. 

The following quotations from recent utterances 
of the national bodies of the larger church organi- 
zations show the stand which has been taken by 
the religious denominations regarding the questions 
of temperance and Prohibition. 

The General Conference of the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, in session at Chicago, May, 1900, said: 

"We are more firmly convinced than ever of the truth and 
the force of that vigorous declaration of the Episcopal 
Address of 1888, 'It can never be legalized without sin.' 
Planting ourselves upon the bedrock of that solid proposi- 
tion, we declare that no> citizen and no Christian has a right 
by example, by voice, by influence or by his ballot to con- 
tribute to the establishment or to the maintenance of the 
ungodly license policy as applied to the liquor traffic." 

"Quoting and reaffirming the action of the General Con- 
ference of 1892, we 'record our deliberate judgment that no 
political party has a right to expect, nor ought it to receive, 
the support of Christian men so long as it stands committed 
to the license policy or refuses to put itself on record in an 
attitude of open hostility to the saloon.' " 

"We deeply regret that after the enactment of a law 
prohibiting the sale of intoxicating beverages at army posts 
and in forts, camps and reservations used for military pur- 
poses, a law plainly intended to effectuate this result and 
so understood by its. friends and foes in and out of Congress 
and by the chief magistrate, who signed it, by a construc- 
tion which seems to us forced and unnatural, placed upon 
the law by the Attorney-General, its plain intent was de- 
feated, and the government of the United States, amid the 
exultation of all sympathizers with the liquor traffic, re- 
sumed the practice of selling intoxicating beverages to its 
soldiers. Aroused and indignant at the aggressiveness of 
the liquor power, at the inexcusable miscarriage of the anti- 
canteen law and at the new perils in which the nation is 
involved in its new possessions, the church will summon and 
pledge all her ministers and people to a more determined 
struggle against this enormous evil and urge each to con- 



108 Attitude of the Church 



tribute thereto according to his judgment, his testimony, 
his example and his ballot." 

The Presbyterian General Assembly of 1896 said: 
"The stupendous need of the hour to meet this enemy of 
everything American and Christian is an aroused church 
consecrated to the extermination of the traffic." 
In 1900, at St. Louis, it said: 

"We deplore the existence by official establishment of the 
sale of Jiquor in the canteen in the army of the United 
States, and we urge its abolition." 

The United Presbyterians, in session at Chicago, 
May, 1900, said: 

"The Assembly declares that the legalizing of the liquor 
traffic is a sin against God, and a crime against man, and 
that any party favoring the licensing thereof has no right 
to expect, and should not receive, the votes of Christian 
citizens." 

The American Baptist Home Missionary Society, 
the representative body of the Baptist denomination, 
while making no declaration regarding the liquor 
traffic in general, adopted the following resolution 
at the meeting in Detroit, May, 1900: 
Resolved, That we deplore the introduction into our new 
possessions, where we have military authority, of vastly in- 
creased quantities of intoxicating liquors, and that we de- 
mand of our government that it take every practicable 
means of preventing the indiscriminate and devastating sale 
of ardent spirits in the camps of our soldiers and among the 
new people who are to be taught civilization by our ex- 
ample. 

These utterances may be taken as fairly repre- 
senting the general attitude of all the religious bod- 
ies of the country. 



XXXIII.-HOW AND WHERE TO GET VOTES. 

As votes are of necessity prime factors in deter- 
mining matters of governmental policy, this brief 
chapter is devoted to the question of how and where 
to get votes. 

First it must be remembered that the number of 
votes cast for the Prohibition party is the ther- 
mometer by which is indicated the public sentiment 
of the country against the saloon, and therefore the 
chief object of this campaign should be the securing 
of votes. 

As to the creation of public sentiment against* the 
liquor traffic it may be done in many ways, but 
whatever the method employed it is accomplished 
only as thought upon the subject is provoked, 
whether by the platform orator, the printed page or 
the personal interview. But public sentiment, in 
the abstract, is not a factor in determining govern- 
mental policies, but public sentiment which culmi- 
nates in political action cannot be ignored and the 
wise Prohibitionist is therefore seeking "votes" for 
his party, feeling assured that one vote in the ballot 
box makes a greater impression upon government 
than any possible amount of "sentiment" which stops 
short of such expression. The question now arises, 
How can the average Prohibitionist win votes for 
his party? 

How Can the Prohibitionist Win Votes? . . . 

In the first place a man will not vote for Pro- 
hibition unless convinced of its desirability, and in 
the second place he will not vote the Prohibition 
party ticket unless assured that the party offers the 
surest and best way to the accomplishment of his 
desire. 

We have then two particular things for which to 
strive : 

(a) To convince the individual voter, who may be 

109 



110 How to Win Votes. 

our neighbor, our friend, our pastor or even a mem- 
ber of our own household, of the desirability of es- 
tablishing Prohibition as a governmental policy. 

(b) To convince him that the Prohibition party of- 
fers the proper and surest means for the aceoin-- 
plishment of that end. 

Under existing political conditions men will be 
induced to vote for Prohibition only on the single 
ground of its moral rightness. A man who will use 
his ballot for the settlement of ''financial issues" is 
not yet ready to vote for Prohibition from economic 
reasons, not that it is not the greatest economic ques- 
tion before the American people, but simply because 
he is morally certain his ballot, cast for the Pro- 
hibition nominees, this year, would count for noth- 
ing in the immediate settlement of vexed financial 
issues. The hope of the Prohibition party in the 
present campaign is to convince men of the righteous- 
ness of its position and of the need, as Mr. Woolley 
says, of establishing conscience as a working factor 
in American politics. 

The voter may need to be convinced of the mag- 
nitude of the Prohibition issue economically con- 
sidered, but in the actual determining of his course of 
political conduct this fall, he will vote for Prohibi- 
tion on the conscience basis, if at all. 

Any person really wishing to win votes for the 
Prohibition cause by personal influence should un- 
dertake it in the same careful, yet persistent, man- 
ner as would characterize the effort to sell a bill of 
goods or the securing of an endorsement of a promis- 
sory note. 

It is unwise to get a man angry unnecessarily. It 
lessens his ability to think intelligently and intelli- 
gent support is most desirable, as it will be more 
surely permanent. Getting excited and using strong 
language will not make or win votes. Arguments 
over the relative merits of Presidential candidates 
or their personal habits may engender hard feelings, 



How to Win Votes. Ill 



but will not induce a man of opposite political faith 
to vote for Prohibition this fall. 

If asked the plain question, "Do you believe that 
Prohibition is right?", 90 per cent of the Chritian 
voters of the country wll answer, "Yes." Having ad- 
mitted that the Prohibition party is the only one 
which represents that principle and that the principle 
itself is right, he will usually admit to having an 
earnest desire to do the right thing himself and will 
consent, without argument, to having his name en- 
rolled on the list of Prohibitionists. 

This brings us to the matter of party organization, 
which is very important, as upon its thoroughness 
and efficiency the crystallization of public sentiment 
depends. 

A complete party organization effected in every 
town and ward would do much to convince the 
doubting voter that the party method offers the surest 
and quickest means for establishing Prohibition as 
the law of the land. • 

Where Can Votes Be Secured? . • . 

There is considerable editorial talk in the old party 
press, and in Prohibition papers as well, about a 
great increase in the national vote of the Prohibition 
party this fall. 

To fulfill this prophecy and to get votes, they must 
be secured in particular places. The national vote 
is made up of the votes of states, counties, towns or 
wards and election districts. Every vote cast in the 
coming national election will be cast in a particular 
polling precinct. Club organizations and public meet- 
. ings and literature are excellent mediums for the 
creation of thought, but for the actual work of the 
campaign they cannot take the place of a political 
organization reaching down to the voting precinct. 

Every polling place in the nation should this fall 
be manned by workers, men who will solicit support 
for the party nominees and who, after the polls of 



Hi How to Win Wotes. 

the election have closed, will see that every Prohibi- 
tion vote cast is counted and reported in the official 
returns. 

The place for men to win votes primarily is in their 
own locality, appreciating that the doubling or quad- 
rupling of the vote in the nation depends upon the 
increase made in particular polling precincts. 



Prohibitionists Ought to Know. 

Every Prohibitionist ought to know in what polling 
precinct, town or ward, assembly, senatorial and 
congressional district he resides, that his name ap- 
pears upon the proper poll list as a duly qualified 
elector and that he is recorded as a Prohibitionist 
upon the rolls of the regular party organization. 

Every precinct committeeman should know the 
boundaries of his district aud the name and address 
of every Prohibitionist within its confines. He 
should also know the names and party affiliations of 
the old party voters in his district in order that he 
may distribute to them wisely such Prohibition litera- 
ture as is available. 



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5H 



THE NEW VOICE, 



315 Dearborn Street, 



Chicago, IP 



114 Prohibition National Committee. 

Kansas— T. D. Talmadge, Hutchinson; J. B. Gar- 
ton, Clayton. 

Kentucky— Mrs. Frances E. Beauchamp, Lexing- 
ton; T. B. Demaree, Union Mills. 

Maine— N. F. Woodbury, Auburn; C. H. Clary, 
Hollowell. 

Maryland— Joshua Levering, Baltimore; Levin S. 
Melson, Bishopvilie. 

Massachusetts— F. M. Forbush, Newton; H. S. 
Morley, Baldwinville. 

Michigan— Fred E. Britten, Detroit; Samuel Dickie, 
Albion. 

Minnesota— W. J. Dean, Minneapolis; J. F. Hei- 
berg, Heiberg. 

Missouri— H. P. Faris, Clinton; Chas. E. Stokes, 
Mexico. 

Montana— Thomas P. Street, Missoula; E. M. Gard- 
ner, Bozeman. 

Nebraska— A. G. Wolfenbarger, Lincoln; L, G. Par- 
ker, Crab Orchard. 

New Hampshire^-H. O. Jackson, Littleton; L. F. 
Richardson, Peterboro. 

New Jersey— W. H. Nicholson, Camden; Joel G. 
Van Cise, Summit. 

New York— William T. Wardwell, New York; Fran- 
cis E. Baldwin, Elmira. 

North Carolina— Thomas P. Johnson, (Salisbury; 
Edwin Shaver, Salisbury. 

North Dakota— M. H. Kiff, Tower City; J. Y. Es- 
terbrook, Jamestown. 

Ohio— John Danner, Canton; Robert A. Candy, Co- 
lumbus. 

Oregon— W. P. Elmore, Brownville; E. 0. Miller, 
Portland. 

Pennsylvania— A. A. Stevens, Tyrone; Charles R. 
Jones, Philadelphia. 

Rhode Island-Henry B. Met calf, Pawtucket; 
Smith Quimby, Providence. 



XXXIV.-PROHIBITION PARTY NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE. 

Headquarters, 1414 Manhattan Building, 
Chicago, 111. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

Oliver W. Stewart, Chairman Chicago, 111. 

Samuel Dickie, Vice-Chairman Albion, Mich. 

William T. Wardwell, Secretary New York, N. Y. 

Samuel D. Hastings, Treasurer Green Bay, Wis. 

A. A. Stevens Tyrone, Pa. 

James A. Tate Dyer, Tenn. 

T. R. Carskadon Keyser, W. Va. 

L. W. Elliott (deceased) Stockton, Cal. 

H. P. Paris Clinton, Mo. 

Address all communications to the chairman at head- 
quarters. 

GENERAL COMMITTEE. 

Arkansas— Mrs. Bernie Babcock, Little Rock. 

California— L. W. Elliott (deceased), Stockton; 
Gabriella F. Stickney, Los Angeles. 

Colorado— J. N. Scouller, Denver; Mrs. M. E. 
C raise, Denver. 

Connecticut— F. G. Piatt, New Britain; Chas. E. 
Steele, New. Britain. 

Delaware— Ashton R. Tatum, Wilmington; Geo. 
W. Todd, Wilmington. 

Idaho— H. A. Lee, Weiser; E. B. Sutton, Boise. 

Illinois— Oliver W. Stewart, Chicago; Hale Johnson, 
Newton. 

Indiana— Charles Eckhart, Auburn; F. T. McWhir- 
ter, Indianapolis. 

Iowa— Malcolm Smith, Cedar Rapids; W. L. Fer- 
ris, Cherokee. 

13. 



Prohibition National, Committee. 115 



South Dakota— H. H. Curtis, Castle wood; F. J. 
Carlisle, Brookings. 

Tennessee— James A. Tate, Dyer; R. S. Cheves, 
Unicoi. 

Texas— D. H. Hancock, Farmersville; J. G. Adams, 
Ft. Worth. 

Utah— Jacob Boreman, Ogden; C. D. Savery, Salt 
Lake City. 

Vermont— C. W. Wyman, Brattleboro; H. T. Con- 
ims, East Berkshire. 

Virginia— W. T. Bundick, Onacock; James W. 
Bodley, Staunton. 

Washington— E. S. Sirtitb,, Seattle; Reyer S. 
Greene, Seattle. 

West Virginia— T. R. Carskadon, Keyser; U. A. 
Clayton, Fairmount. 

Wisconsin— Samuel D. Hastings, Green Bay; Ole 
B. Olson, Eau Claire. 



Prohibition State Chairmen. 

Alabama— W. B. Witherspoon Gadsden 

Arizona--Dr. J. W. Thomas Phoenix 

Arkansas— Martin N. Henry Jacinto 

California— H. Clay Needham, 1343 Temple St Los Angeles 

Colorado— J. N. Scouller, 2953 W. 29th Ave Denver 

Connecticut— H. B. Brown East Hampton 

Delaware— R. H. Cooper Cheswold, 

Florida— J. J. Edwards, Treasurer Deland 

Georgia— Dr. J. O. Perkins Atlanta 

Idaho— H. A. Lee Weiser 

Illinois— Hale Johnson N Newton 

Indiana— Dr. Homer J. Hall Franklin 

Iowa— Rev. O. D. Ellett Lineville 

Kansas— M. Williams Lansing 

Kentucky— Col. T. B. Demaree .....Union Mills 

Louisiana— Geo. N. Funk (provisional) Columbia 

Maine— James Perrigo, 244 Middle St Portland 

Maryland— Oliver Hemstreet, 208 N. Calvert St Baltimore 

Massachusetts— Alva H. Morrill New Bedford 

Michigan— Fred E. Britten Detroit 

Minnesota— Geo. W. Higgins Minneapolis 

Mississippi — 

Missouri— H. P. Faris Clinton 

Montana— J. M. Waters Bozemax 

Nebraska— S. D. Fitchie, Richards Blk Lincoln 

Nevada— Jacob Stiner Reno 

New Hampshire— L. F. Richardson Peterboro 

New Jersey— Geo. J. Haven, 403 Elm St Camden 

New Mexico- 
New York— J. H. Durkee, 381 Central Ave Rochester 

North Carolina— Edwin Shaver Salisbury 

North Dakota— M. H. Kiff Tower City 

Ohio— J. J. Ashenhurst, 37V 2 N. Front St Columbus 

Oklahoma- 
Oregon— I. H. Amos, Sherlock Bldg Portland 

Pennsylvania— Chas, R. Jones, 900 Chestnut St... Philadelphia 

Rhode Island— James A. Williams Providence 

South Carolina- 
South Dakota— W. A. Stromme . Volga 

Tennessee— Prof. James A. Tate Dyer 

Texas-B. P. Bailey ■ Houston 

Utah-Rev. Richard Wake Salt Lake City 

Vermont— Revv John L, Fort, Jr Winooski 

Virginia— W. T. Bundick Onancock 

Washington— Rev. R. E. Dunlap Seattle 

West Virginia— J. H. Holt Moundsville 

Wisconsin— J. E. Clayton, 215 Eighteenth St.. ....Milwaukee 

Wyoming— George B. Blaine Douglas 



XXXV.-HOW TO ORGANIZE A PROHIBITION 

CLUB. 



Call a meeting in some hall or at the home of 
someone who is willing to help. 

Do much personal work before the time set for 
the meeting, giving invitations to persons to attend. 
Use the mails freely. Do not be disappointed if but 
few persons 'attend the first meeting. Many may 
join later. 

When the meeting is called to order state the 
purpose, after a temporary chairman and secretary 
have been appointed, and move that a Prohibition 
club be organized. 

Adopt a constitution and elect officers at once. 
(A model constitution is herewith submitted; change 
it to suit your needs.) 

Report your meeting and list of officers to your 
local daily or weekly newspapers at once; also, to 
the party papers and to National Prohibition Head- 
quarters, 1414 Manhattan Building, Chicago, 111. 



Preamble. 

Believing that the burdens which oppress labor, 
paralyze industry and stagnate business are directly 
and indirectly caused by the colossal waste occa- 
sioned by the legalized liquor traffic, which produces 
underconsumption, misery and discontent, disre- 
gards law and threatens the stability and life of the 
nation, we, the undersigned, agree to concentrate our 
united efforts against this common enemy of the 
home, the church and the state, and for this pur- 

117 



118 How to Organize a Prohibition Club. 



pose organize ourselves into a political club, and 
adopt for our guidance the following: 

Constitution. 

ARTICLE I. NAME. 

The name of this organization shall be "The 
Prohibition Club." 



ARTICLE II. OBJECT. 
The object of this club shall be to secure a bet- 
ter acquaintance among the Prohibitionists of.... 
to strengthen one another in our worthy cause; 
to conduct a continuous educational campaign 
against the legalized liquor traffic; to enroll in our 
membership all who desire to assist in its abolition, 
and to protest at the ballot box (the only expression 
of opinion that counts) in township, municipal, 
county, state and national elections against this mon- 
ster evil which has intrenched itself in the politics 
of the nation, and which can only be dislodged by 
votes. 

ARTICLE III. MEMBERSHIP. 

The membership of the club shall be composed 
of all those who indorse these principles and sign 
this constitution, and shall consist of three classes, 
viz.: Active, Auxiliary and Junior. Men of legal 
age constitute active members, women, auxiliary 
members, and boys and girls, junior members. The 

membership fee shall be annually for club 

expenses, and all members shall be entitled to equal 
privileges in the club. 

ARTICLE IV. OFFICERS. 

The officers of this club shall consist of a presi- 
dent, vice-president, secretary and treasurer, who 
shall perform the duties pertaining to their respect- 
ive offices. 

ARTICLE V. ELECTION OF OFFICERS. 
Tne annual election shall be held on the first day 



How to Organize a Prohibition Club. 119 

of January each year, when every member shall 
be entitled to vote by ballot for officers. 

ARTICLE VI. FINANCE. 

The officers have power to raise such funds by 
subscription or otherwise as may be required for 
the effective work of the club and campaign pur- 
poses. 

ARTICLE VII. AMENDMENTS. 

Amendments to this constitution shall be submit- 
ted in writing, and voted upon at a succeeding meet- 
ing,- of which at least ten days' notice has been 
given. 



XXXVI.-PROHIBITION PAPEES. 

The following list contains the names of the prin- 
cipal Prohibition periodicals, though many local and 
religious papers that usually support the party are 
not included. 

CALIFORNIA.— California Voice, Los Angeles; Pacific Pro- 
hibitionist, Oakland. 

COLORADO.— The Headlight, Denver. 

ILLINOIS.— The New Voice, Chicago; Union Signal (W. C. 
T. U.), Chicago; The Banner, Danville; Prohibition Pulse, 
Bloomington; Patrol, Geneva; Prohibitionist, Normal; 
Searchlight (monthly), Litchfield; Our Best Words (monthly), 
Shelbyville. 

INDIANA.— The Patriot Phalanx, Indianapolis; Times, 
Logansport; Enterprise, Richmond; Standard, Leesburg; Ad- 
vertiser, Hobart; Twentieth Century, Thorntown. 

IOWA.— The Commonwealth, Des Moines. 

KANSAS.— The Fulcrum, Topeka. 

KENTUCKY.— The Vindicator, Owensboro; Gleaner, Bea- 
ver Dam; White Ribbon, Stanford. 

MICHIGAN— Ein Stem Des Volks (Hollandish), Grand 
Rapids; The Leader, Detroit. 

MISSOURI.— The State Leader, Mexico. 

MAINE.— The Maine Idea, Portland. 

MARYLAND.— The Gleaner, Frostburg. 

NEBRASKA.— The New Republic, Nation's Pulse and Ne 
braska Patriot, Lincoln. 

NEW JERSEY.— The New Jersey Gazette, Camden; Sig- 
nal, Sparta; Home Visitor, Flemington; Church and Home, 
Rockaway; The Editor (monthly), Ocean Grove. 

NEW YORK.— The Defender, Elmira and New York; Ad- 
vocate, Watertown; New Standard, Binghamton; Enlight- 
ener (monthly), Oswego Falls. 

NORTH CAROLINA.— Temperance Blast (semi-monthlj T ), 
Dunn. 

OHIO.— The Cornerstone, Columbus; Wayne County Her- 
ald, Wooster. 

^OREGON.-The Searchlight, Salem. 

~ PENNSYLVANIA.— The People, Milton; Monitor, Clear- 
field; Index, Williamisport; People's Tribune, Uniontown; 
New American, Kennett Square; Kane Leader, Kane. 

SOUTH DAKOTA.— The Christian Prohibitionist, the Gat- 
ling Gun, Sioux Falls; Forest City Press, Forest City. 

TENNESSEE.— Prohibitionist, Clarksville. 

TEXAS.— Agitator, Clarendon; The Sling, Farmersville. 

VIRGINIA.— No-License Advocate, Danville. 

WISCONSIN.— The Northwestern Mail, Madison; Blade, 

Elkhorn; Agitator, Menominee Falls; Reform, Eau Claire. 

120 



XXXVII-QUALIFIOATIONS FOR VOTING. 

In all states except Colorado, Idaho, Utah and 
Wyoming", the right to vote at a general election is 
restricted to males, not less than 21 years old. Women 
have full suffrage in the states named above. 







Previous Residence 


States. 


Requirements as to Citizenship 


Required. 


In 


In 


In 


Pre- 






St't. 
1 yr 


Co. 


Town 


cinct 


Alabama*. 


Citizen of UnitedStates or alien 


3 mo. 


30dys 


30dys 




who has declared intention 










ArizonaT* 


Citizen of UnitedStates or alien 
who has declared intention (a) 


6 mo 


lOdys 


lOdys 


lOdys 


Arkansas* 


Citizen of United States or alien 
who has declared intention 


1 yr. 


6 mo 


30dys 


30dys 


Califrnia* 


Citizen by nativity, naturaliza- 
tion (90 days prior to elec- 
tion), or treaty of Queretaro. 


1 yr. 


90dys 




30dys 


Colorado*. 


Citizen or alien male or female, 
who has declared intention 
four months prior to election. 


6 mo 


90dys 




lOdys 


Conn.* .... 


Citizen of United States who 
can read English language. 


1 yr. 




6 mo. 





Delaware* 


Citizen who shall have paid a 
registration fee of $l, and 
who is duly registered as a 
qualified voter. 


1 yr. 


3 mo 





Odys 


Dis.ofCol. 


See foot note on Page 123. 










Florida*.. 


Citizen of the United States . . . 


1 yr. 


6. mo. 


6 mo 30 ~ys 


Georgia* 


Citizen of the U S who has 


1 yr 


6 mo. 








paid all his taxes since 1877 










Idaho* .... 


Citizen of the United States. . . 
male or female. 


6 mo 


30dys 


3 mo. 


lOdys 


Illinois*. .. 


Citizen of the United States . . . 


1 yr. 


90dys 


30dys 


30dys 


Indiana*.. 


Citizen or alien who has de- 
clared intention and resided 
one year in United States. 


6 mo 


60dys 


60dys 


30dys 


Iowa* 


Citizen of the United States. .. 


6jiio 


60dys 


(d) 


(d) 


Kansas* . . 


Citizen of UnitedStates or alien 
who has declared intention (b) 


6 mo 


30dys 


30dys 


30dys 


Kentucky* 


Citizen of the United States. . . 


1 yr. 


6 mo. 


60dys 


60dys 


Louisia'a* 


Citizen of United States (e) . . . . 


2yrs 


1 yr. 




6 mo. 


Maine* 


Citizen of the United States. . . 


3 mo 


3 mo. 


3 mo. 


3 mo. 


Maryland* 


Citizen of the United States . . . 

Citizen who can read and 

write (b) 
Citizen or alien who declared 


1 yr. 
l yr. 


6 mo. 






Mass 


6 mo. 


6 mo. 


6 mo. 


Michigan* 


6 mo 


20dys 


20dys 


20dys 




intention to become a citizen 












prior to May 8, 1892 (b) 










Minn.* .... 


Citizen of United States who 
has been such for 3 months 


6 mo 


30dys 


30dys 


30dys 


preceding election. 











121 



122 



Qualifications for Voting. 



States. 



Miss.* 

Missouri*. 

Montana*. 
Nebraska* 

Nevada* 
N. Hamp.* 
N. Jersey* 
N. M. Ter. 
N. York* . 



Requirements as to Citizenship 



Previous Residence 
Required 



In 

St't 



N.Car 

N. Dak.*.. 

Ohio* 

Old a. Ter. 
Oregon*. . . 

Penn.* — 

Rhode I.*. 

S. Car 

S. Dak.*.. 

Tenn.*.... 
Texas*..., 



Utah*, 



Vermont* 
Virginia* 



Citizen of the United States 
who can read or understand 
Constitution 

Citizen of UnitedStates or alien 
who has declared intention 
not less than 1 year or more 
than 5 before election. 

Citizen of the United States(6) 

Citizen of UditedStates or alien 
who has declared intention 
thirty days before election. 

Citizen of the United States .. . 

Citizen of the United States (b) 

Citizen of the United States .... 

Citizen of the United States. . 

Citizen who shall have been a 
citizen for ninety days prior 
to election. 

Citizen of the United States. .. 

Citizen of the United States 

and civilized Indian.t (6) 
Citizen of the United States (b) 

Citizen of the United States (b) 

White male citizen of United 
States or alien who has de- 
clared intention (6) 
Citizen of the United States at 
least one month, and if 22 
years old or more must have 
paid tax within two years. 
Citizen of the United States . . 

Citizen of the United States (h) 

Citizen of the United States or 
alien who has declared inten- 
tion, Indian who has severed 
tribal relations (b). 

Citizen of the U S. who has paid 
poll-tax of preceding year. 

Citizen of the U. S. or alien 
who has declared intention 
six months prior to election. 

Citizen of the United States, 
male or female, who has 
been a citizen ninety days. 

Citizen of the United States. .. 

Citizen of the United States. .. 



In 
Co. 



2yrs 
1 yr. 

1 yr. 

6 mo 

6 mo 
6 mo 
1 yr 
6 mo 
l yr. 

I yr 
1 yr. 
1 yr. 
6 mo 
6 mo 

1 yr. 

2y</ 
2y(<? 
6mo§ 

l yr. 
1 yr. 

1 yr. 

l yr. 
lyr. 



In 
Town 



l yr. 

60dys 

30dys 
40dys 

30dys 
6 mo. 

5 mo. 

3 mo. 

4 mo. 

90dys 

6 mo 
30dys 
60dys 
None 



1 yr. 

60dys 

30dys 
lOdys 



Pre-, 
cinct 



6 mo. 



lyr(c 
60dys 

30dys 
lOdys 

30dys 
6 mo. 



30dys 



1 yr. 

30dys 



6 mo. 
6 mo. 

4 mo. 
3 mo 



20dys 
60dys 
None 



6 mo. 
4 mo. 
lOdys 



3 mo. 
3 mo. 



30dys 
30dys 



90dys 
20dys 
30dys 
None 

2 mo. 



4 mo. 
lOd 



(d) 
60dys 
30dys 



Qualifications for Voting. 



123 



States. 


Requirements as to Citizenship 


Previous Residence 
Required. 


In 

St't. 


In 
Co. 


In 
Town 


Pra 

cinct. 


Wash'n*.. 
West Va.* 


Citizen of the United States 
and all residents of territory 
prior to statehood (&) 

Citizen of the State 


1 yr. 

I yr 
1 yr. 

1 yr 


90dys 
60dys 

60dys 


30dys 
lOdys 


30dys 

id) 
lOdys 

lOdys 


Wis.* 

Wyom.* 


Citizen of the U. S. or alien who 
has declared intention. 

Citizen of the United States, 
male or female. 



♦Australian ballot law or some modification of it in force. 

tlndian must have several tribal relations. 

§One year's residence in United States required. 

(a)Or citizens of Mexico who have, under the treaties of 1849 and 
1854, elected to become citizens; poll-tax for current year must be 
paid, (b) Women can vote in school elections, (c) Clergymen are 
qualified after six months' in precinct, (d) Only actual residence 
required, (e) If unable to read and write, registration and vot- 
ing is conditioned upon bona-fide ownership of property in the 
State assessed at $300 or more; if personal property only, all due 
taxes shall be paid in full, (f) Owner of real estate, one year. 
ig) Ministers in charge ol organized churches and teachers of pub- 
lic schools six months, (h) Who has paid, six months before elec- 
tion any poll-tax then due, can read and write any section of the 
State Constitution, or can show that he owns and has paid all 
taxes due the previous year on property in the State assessed at 
not less than $300. 

In nearly all the states persons convicted of trea- 
son or felony, embezzlement of public funds, or 
bribery in public office, together with Chinese, In- 
dians and persons insane, are excluded from suf- 
frage. 

Residents of the District of Columbia have no 
vote. 



INDEX, 



PAGE 

Alabama, Prohibition votes. . . 4o 

Alaska, repeal of Prohibition. 104 

Amendment, to secure consti- 
tutional 45 

Anti-Saloon League, methods 
advocated by weakness of. 43 

Arkansas, Prohibition votes.. 40 

Army, Beer canteen in 67 

Attitude of churches toward 
Prohibition 107 

Attitude of other parties to- 
ward Prohibition 48 

Balance of power plan 45 

Baptist church on liquor 
traffic 12. 108 

Beer (see malt liquors) 

Bidwell, John, Presidential 

nominee 36 

Vote for in 1892 40 

Biographical sketches of can- 
didates 21, 25 

Black, James, national chair 

man, 1876 36 

Presidential nominee 36 

Vote for in 1872 40 

Boston, "bootleggers" in 85 

Brooks, John A., nominated 
for Vice-President 36 

Bryan, Wm. J., attitude to 
ward Prohibition 64 

California, Prohibition votes 40,41 

Canteen, history in the army . 67 

Can Socialism cure the drink 
evil? 73 

Chicago, "bootleggers" in 85 

National conventions in .. 36 

Church attitude and declara- 
tions on Prohibition 107 

Cincinnati, Prohibition na- 
tional convention in 36 

Cleveland, Prohibition nation- 
al convention in 36 

Colorado, Prohibition votes 40, 41 

Columbus, Prohibition nation- 
al convention in 36 

Connecticut, Prohibition votes 40 

Congress, acts of regarding 
liquor in the army . 67-68 

Consumption of liquors in U. 
S. by years 87 

Constitutional amendment 
method 45 

Constitution, model for Pro- 
hibition clubs 118 

Cost of liquor traffic at retail. 94 

Cranflll, J. B., nominee for 
Vice-President 36 

Crimes, proportion of due to 

drink 82 

124 



PAGE 

Cuba, exports of liquor to. ..88, 89 
Custom Revenues, in 1896 and 

1899 100 

Daniel, Wm, nominated for 

Vice-President 36 

Dealers in liquors, number in 

U. S 99 

Delaware, Prohibition votes40,41 

Definition of party 7 

Democratic party, attitude to- 
ward Prohibition 50 

National convention, 

drunkenness at 55 

Dickie, Samuel, national 

chairman 1888-1899 37, 113 

Dispensary, in South Carolina 77 
Distilled liquors (see Spirits). 

Distilleries, number of 99 

District of Columbia, Wash- 
ington city, "bootleggers" . 85 
Dow, Neal, Presidential 

nominee 36 

Vote for in 1880 40 

Drink, bill of the nation.. 6, 94, 100 

Drink and crime 82 

Evil, can socialism cure? . . 73 

And poverty 83 

Drunkenness, in Glasgow and 

Huddersfield 73, 74 

In Gothenburg 76 

Employees, in liquor and other 

industries 44, 45 

Employment, in liquor and 

other products 99 

Exports, of liquors from U. S. 
to Cuba, Porto Rico and 

Philippines 88, 89 

Failure of "regulation" 71 

Failures, a comparison of 85 

Farmer, how drink causes 

loss to 97-98 

Share of grain crop used to 

produce liquors 96 

Federal permits, (see liquor 

dealers) 

Finch, John B., national chair- 
man 1884-1887 36 

Fisk, Clinton B., Presidential 

nominee 36 

Vote for in 1888 40 

Florida, Prohibition votes 40 

Georgia, Prohibition votes ... 40 
Good Templars originated the 

Prohibition party 36 

Gothenburg system 75 

Government, canteen system . 67 
Expenditures and receipts. 1 00 
Grain, used in production of 
liquors 96 



Index. 



page 

Greely, Horace, on "regula- 
tion" 72 

Greenhut, J. B., entertains 
McKinley 63 

Hastings, Samuel D., treasur- 
er national committee. 37, 113 

Henry, Guy V. , Brigadier Gen. , 
on the army canteen 70 

High license, the Raines law as 
a sample of 79 

How the liquor traffic effects 
industry 13 

How and where to get votes . .109 

How to organize a Prohibition 
club 117 

Idaho, Prohibition votes . . .40, 41 

Illinois, Prohibition votes .. 40, 41 

Imperial expansion of the 
liquor traffic 

Imports of liquors into Philip- 
pine Islands. ..* ..91, 92 

Indiana, Prohibition votes. 40, 4: 

Indianapolis, national conven- 
tion in 36 

Industry, how the liquor traffic 
effects 93 

Investigation, The New Voice 
in the Philippines 90 

Iowa, Prohibition votes 40, 41 

Under "Mulct Tax Law" . . 78 

Issue, money question not at, 

in this campaign 102 

Prohibition the greatest 
financial 100 

Johnson, Hale, nominated for 
Vice-President 36 

Johnson, William E,, Investi 
gations in Scotland, Nor- 
way, Sweden and the 
Philippines 73, 75, 90 

Kansas, Prohibition votes . . 40, 41 

Kentucky,Prohibition votes. 40,41 

Levering, Joshua, Presidential 

nominee 36 

Votes for, in 1896 40 

Liquor, bill of the Nation . 6, 94, 100 
Consumption of, by years. 87 

Liquor traffic, cost of at retail. 94 
How it affects industry 93 

Louisana. Prohibition votes. . 40 

Ludlow, William, Major-Gen- 
eral on the canteen 69 

Maine, Prohibition in 83 

Prohibition votes 40, 41 

Wealth in 84 

Malt Liquors, consumption of. 87 

Maryland, Prohibiton votes . 40, 41 

Massachusetts, beotleggers in. 85 
Prohibition votes 40, 41 

Materials used in liquors and 
other products 94, 96, 97 

McKinley, President William, 
attitude on Prohibition. . . 60 
Responsible for the army 
canteen 69 



PAGE 

Metcalf, Henry B., Biography 11 

Letter of acceptance 33 

Nominated for Vice-Pre- 
sident 36 

Methodist Episcopal Church 

on the liquor traffic 107 

Michigan Prohibition votes. 4i>, 41 
Minnesota, " " 40,41 

Missouri, " " 40, 41 

Money spent for liquor or for 

clothing and furniture 97 

Money question not an issue.. 102 
Montana, Prohibition votes. .. 40 

"Mulct tax" law.... 78 

National chairmen 36 

Committee 113 

Conventions and nominees. 36 

Debt 100 

Prohibition platform 1900. 7 
"Narrow guargers" at Pitts- 
burg 39 

Nebraska, Prohibition votes . 40,41 
Necessaries, contrasted with 

liquor 99 

Nevada, Prohibition votes 40 

New Hampshire, Prohibition 

votes 1 40. 41 

New Jersey, Prohibition v . . 40, 4L 
New York, arrests for drunk- 
enness in 79 

Liquor dealers in 80 

Prohibition votes 40, 41 

New York City, "bootleggers" 85 
New Voice, Philippine inves- 
tigation 90 

Newspapers, Prohibition 120 

Non-partisan, method of 

saloon opposition 45 

North Carolina, Prohibition 

votes 40 

North Dakota, Prohibition 

votes 40 

Norway, Gothenburg system. . 75 
Ohio, under the "Mulct law".. 78 

Prohibition votes 40, H 

Omni-partisanship fallacy of 

method 43 

Oregon, Prohibition votes.. 40, 41 
Pennsylvania, amendment in, 
defeated by partisan 

workers 47 

Prohibition votes 40, 41 

People's party, (see Populists) 
Philippines, liquors exported 

tobyU. S., 88,89 

Importedfromallcountri's 91 
New Voice investigation in 90 
Pittsburg, national conven- 
tion in 3(1 

Platform, national, 1900 7 

Previous declarations 37 

Populist party, attitude to- 
ward Prohibition 5] 

Porto Rico, exports of liquors 

to, fromU. S 88, 89 

12 



Index. 



PAGE 

Port Exchange(see army can. ) 
Boverty, relation of to drink.. 81 
Presbyterian church on liquor 

traffic 108 

Presbyterian Church, United, 

on liquor traffic 108 

President McKinley's attitude 60 

Prohibition candidates 36 

Prohibition, in Alaska, repeal. 104 
Attitude of other parties 

toward 48 

Attitude of church toward. 107 
Bryan's attitude toward. . 64 

In Maine 83 

McKinley's attitude to- 
ward 60 

National committee, by 

states 113 

National conventions 36 

Newspapers 120 

Party history 36 

Party platform 1900 7 

Party previous platform 

declarations 37 

Party vote for President 

by states 40 

Party vote latest, by states 41 

Why a? 42 

State chairmen 116 

Prohibi tionists ought to know. 112 
Prohibitory amendments, how 

submitted 46 

Qualifications for voting 121 

Raines liquor tax law, a fail- 
ure in New York 79 

Regulation, failure of 71 

Republican national conven 

tion, drunkenness at 51 

Republican party and Prohi- 
bition 48 

Retail cost of the traffic 114 

Rhode Island, Prohibition v. 40,41 
Roosevelt, contented after a 

drink ... 63 

Russell, John, firs't national 

chairmen 39 

Nominated for Vice-Pres. 36 
State chairman Prohibition 

party 116 

St. John, John P., Presiden 

tial nominee . 36 

Vote for in 1884 40 

Shafter, Major General, on 

the canteen 70 

Smith, Green Clay, Presiden- 
tial nominee , 36 

Vote for in 1876 40 

South Carolina Dispensary . . 77 



126 



PAGE 

South Dakota, Prohibition 

votes 40, 41 

Stewart, Gideon T., national 

chairman, 1882-84 36 

Nominated for Vice-Pres. 36 
Stewart, Oliver W., national 

chairman, 1900 36, 1 1 3 

'Sumptuary plank, "Democrat 50 
Sunday beer selling, favored 

by Roosevelt 63 

Sunday laws violated 71 , 72 

Sweden, Gothenburg system. . 75 
Tammany's travelling saloons 56 
Tariff, compared with drink. .101 
Tennessee.Prohibition vot's. 40,41 
Texas, " " 40, 41 

The President arraingned 10 

Thompson, H. A., nominated 

for Vice-President 36 

Tropics, drink injurious in 99 

Vermont, Prohibition votes.40, 41 
Vice-President, Prohibition 

nominees for 36 

Virginia, Prohibition votes.40, 41 
Voice, The New (see preface). 
Votes, how and where to get.. 109 

For Prohibition 40, 41 

Wages paid in liquor and 

other manufactures 97 

Wardwell, Wm. T., secretary 

national committee 37, 113 

Washington (see District of 

Columbia) 

Washington, State of, Prohi- 
bition votes 40 

West Virginia, Prohibition v. . 40 
When the saloon will go out 

of business 66 

Wisconsin, Prohibition v. ..40, 41 
Whisky trust, Greenhut, ex- 
president of, entertains 

McKinley 63 

Willard, Francis E„ "turned 

down" by Republicans 48 

Wine and Spirit Gazette on 
Republican "sympathy" 

plank 49 

Wine, consumption of in U. S. 

by years 87 

Woman Suffarge, resolutions 

favoring adopted 14 

Woolley, John G., Biography. 15 

Letter of acceptance 25 

Presidential nominee 36 

Wyoming, Prohibition votes. . 40 
Young People's Prohibition 
league endorsed by nation- 
al convention 14 

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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